Prognostic Significance of the Tumor Volume and Tumor Percentage for Localized Prostate Cancer

PURPOSE: Tumor volume has been thought to be an important predictive factor for significant prostate cancer. We assessed the impact of the tumor volume(TV) and the tumor percentage(TP) of radical prostatectomy specimens on the pathological variables and the oncological outcome. MARERIALS AND METHODS: The tumor percentage and tumor volume were calculated for 525 cases by a single pathologist who determined the volume based on the surface area of the slides involved by tumor of the prostate. Univariate and multivariate logistic regression analyses were used to characterize the association of TP categories(20%) and TV(7.5cc) with the clinicopathological variables. Biochemical recurrence(BCR) was estimated using Kaplan-Meier analysis and Cox's hazard regression model. RESULTS: The mean prostate cancer volume was 6.5+/-8.5cc(median: 3.8, range: 0.04-73.8) and the mean percent tumor composition was 0.17+/-0.19 (median: 0.1, range: 0.01-0.95). A higher tumor volume and a higher tumor percentage were associated with extra-capsular extension(ECE), a positive surgical margin(PSM), a higher pT stage and a higher prostate-specific antigen(PSA) Gleason score(all p<0.05). In addition, TP was the independent predictor of ECE(adjusted odds ratio(OR): 22.66, 95% confidence interval(CI): 1.801-285.079, p=0.016), but the tumor volume was not associated with ECE on the multivariate logistic analyses. On the Kaplan-Meier analysis, but not on the Cox-hazard analyses, the TP did demonstrate a significant association with biochemical recurrence(p=0.035), yet the TV did not reach statistical significance(p=0.190). CONCLUSIONS: Our data indicates that the tumor percentage had a significant effect on the BCR on the Kaplan-Meier analysis. The tumor percentage rather than the tumor volume might be more useful to predict the prognosis of prostate cancer

Histologic Alterations in the Ipsilateral and Contralateral Testes and Epididymides of Rats following Unilateral Torsion and Detorsion of the Testes

PURPOSE: This investigation was undertaken to determine the damage to the testes and epididymides following torsion and detorsion of the testes. MATERIALS AND METHODS: The right testes of 8-week-old male rats(n=30) were subjected to torsion for 10 min. At 0, 1, 4, 8, and 24 hours, and 1 week after the repair of a torsion, the ipsilateral and contralateral testes and epididymides were harvested. The mean number of spermatids per tubule, the mean seminiferous tubular diameter(MSTD), and the germinal epithelial cell thickness(GECT) were used to evaluate changes to the testes. The histologic changes to the epididymal ductal epithelium were also evaluated. RESULTS: The mean number of spermatids per tubule, GECT, and MSTD were significantly decreased in the 24-hour ipsilateral detorsion group, but minimal changes to ipsilateral testes were observed in the 1-week detorsion group. There was no evidence of histologic changes to the testes in any of the contralateral detorsion groups. The interstitial fibroblast proliferation and hemorrhage of the ipsilateral epididymis were found in the 4-hour detorsion group and increased in the 8-hour detorsion group. Interstitial fibroblast proliferation was prominent in the ipsilateral epididymis of the 24-hour detorsion group, but was only occasionally observed in the contralateral epididymides. Shortening of the tubular epithelial cell height and tubule dilatation were observed in the ipsilateral and contralateral epididymis 1 week after detorsion. CONCLUSIONS: Torsion/detorsion damage was found earlier and at a higher intensity in the epididymides than in the testes. This finding may be due to the protection afforded by the blood-testis barrier

Pathologic Outcome of Unilateral Low Risk Prostate Cancers on Multicore Prostate Biopsy after Radical Prostatectomy

PURPOSE: To investigate clinicopathologic characteristics of unilateral, low risk prostate cancers detected via multi(>or=12)-core prostate biopsy. MATERIALS AND METHODS: One hundred four patients who underwent radical retropubic prostatectomy(RRP) for unilateral, low risk prostate cancer (clinical stage or=12)-core prostate biopsy were enrolled. In this retrospective study, we reviewed the patients' preoperative and pathologic data to assess potential predictors of pT2c or greater disease at the time of RRP, as well as characteristics of such disease. RESULTS: Of the 104 subjects, only 34(32.7%) were pathologically-proven to have unilateral disease, while the others showed pathologically-bilateral or worse disease from analysis of the RRP specimens. Subjects pathologically found to have uni- and bi-lateral disease showed no significant differences regarding age, prostate-specific antigen(PSA), free-to-total PSA ratio, prostate volume, clinical stage, number of positive cores, biopsy Gleason score, number of total biopsy sites, and highest percentage of tumor at any biopsy site. Multivariate logistic regression analysis revealed no significant preoperative predictors of pT2c or greater disease at RRP. CONCLUSIONS: Most patients with unilateral, low risk prostate cancer detected on multi(>or=12)-core prostate biopsy actually had pathologically- worse disease. For clinically-localized prostate cancer, a more accurate method to identify appropriate candidates for unilateral or focal ablative therapy should be developed

Prognostic Significance of Multifocal Tumor in Radical Prostatectomy

Purpose: We investigate the impact of tumor multifocality on the biochemical recurrence rate after radical prostatectomy. Materials and Methods: Data was collected from 525 patients who underwent radical prostatectomy for clinically localized prostate cancer from 2003 to 2007. We evaluated the potential associations of multifocality with various clinical and pathologic factors. The ability to predict extra-capsular extension (ECE) was tested by logistic regression models, whereas biochemical recurrence (BCR) was assessed via Kaplan-Meier analyses and Cox-hazard regression models. The BCR was defined as a level of serum prostate-specific antigen (PSA) of 0.2ng/ml or greater on consecutive evaluations. Results: Multifocality was observed to be significantly associated with the presence of a high grade Gleason pattern (p=0.014), the pT stage (p＜ 0.001), ECE (p=0.005) and a positive surgical margin (PSM) (p=0.019). Moreover, it was the independent predictor of ECE on multivariate logistic regression analyses (p=0.039). However, although multifocality had a significant influence on biochemical recurrence on the Kaplan-Meier analyses (log rank test, p=0.019), only the PSA level and the Gleason score were significant predictors of BCR on the multivariated Cox-hazard analyses. Conclusions: Although multifocality was associated with adverse pathologic features, it had no significant effect on biochemical recurrence on the multivariated cox-hazard analyses

흰쥐 방광에 있어서 histamine과 hydroxyzine의 내인성 신경과 평활근에 대한 작용

학위논문(석사)--서울대학교 대학원 :의학과 비뇨기과학전공,2000.Maste

A Study on the Institutionalization of Social Movement in "Maehyang-ri Peace Ecological Park"

학위논문(석사) -- 서울대학교대학원 : 사회과학대학 정치학과, 2022. 8. 김용균.Many scholars have mentioned "resolving conflicts by democratic institutions, procedures, and laws" as the final step in their study of "consolidation of democracy." It is also the point where this paper pays attention. South Korea has achieved four "peaceful regime changes" so far this year. No scholar will deny that the south Korea has entered the stage of "consolidation of democracy." Nevertheless, I would like to find a meaningful point of reflection on the reason why large-scale protests such as the "2016-2017 candlelight uprising" continued This can be reviewed in terms of 'institutionalization of social movements'. In this paper, the process of promoting the construction of "Maehyang-ri Peace Ecological Park" was targeted for research. The concept of 'conflict cooperation' presented by Giugni & Passy was applied. The U.S. military was first stationed during the Korean War in 1951, and in 1988, residents formed a task force to resist in earnest. And in 2005, the U.S. military base was returned. This is why it is summarized as "54 years of pain, 17 years of struggle." Since then, it has been promoting the "construction of a peace ecological park" so far. In terms of "institutionalization of social movements," if it is a "social movement" until 2005, it is "institutionalization" after that. They fought for 17 long years and eventually won, but the conflict continued again for the next 17 years. Subsequent conflicts are appropriate to be the subject of research in that no one predicted them. Giugni & Passy's theory of "conflict cooperation" is useful for analyzing the multidisciplinary conflict in a complex modern society where conflict and cooperation coexist after democratization. In this paper, the 'seven assumptions driving cooperation' proposed by Giugni & Passy were borrowed as the basic analysis frame, but the scope of the analysis target and the 'hierarchy according to importance' were reorganized. First, the period of 17 years after the return of the base in 2005 was divided into three periods. The entire period corresponds to the phase of "conflict cooperation," which is divided by periods when the characteristics of "conflict" and "cooperation" are prominent, respectively. First of all, the 'first conflict phase' is from 2005 to 2010. The base was returned, but detailed discussions on the "construction of a peace ecological park" were slow. The second period is a 'cooperative phase' from 2010 to 2014. Hwaseong-si began official discussions with civil society, including the residents' organization, and formed and operated the Maehyang-ri Peace Ecological Park Promotion Council. The Hwaseong-si Ordinance on "the Establishment and Operation of the Maehyang-ri Peace Ecological Park Promotion Council" was also enacted. The last third period is the 'secondary conflict phase', and it has been since 2014. The "promotion council" gradually became idle, and the civil society camp, including the residents' organization, was excluded or alienated again due to the unilateral dominance of Hwaseong City. This paper analyzed the factors that led to the transition of "conflict → cooperation → conflict." Giugni & Passy have raised "the structure of the state, the strategy of the state, the configuration of the alliance, the nature of the issue, the internal structure of the social movement organization, the nature of the movement, and the amount of knowledge transferred to the state." According to the analysis frame reconstructed based on this, it was analyzed that 'configuration of alliance' and 'internal structure of social movement organization' had the greatest influence on the transition phase of 'conflict → cooperation → conflict'. The "configuration of the alliance" is whether there is a channel within political power to capture the voices of social movements, and conversely, it reflects the " nature and necessity of politics." The 'internal structure of social movements' itself can be evaluated as a factor that affects the 'cooperative phase' as a family, but at the same time also affects the 'configuration of alliances'. 'The nature of the movement' was initially assumed as a major variable, but it was confirmed that it was not appropriate. The assumption of 'knowledge transfer' assumed as a variable can be a good indicator for predicting the future situation. Although it has not affected the transition phase of "conflict → cooperation → conflict", it can be predicted that it will be an important factor for the transition to "conflict → cooperation" in the future as the current situation of "Maehyang-ri Residents' organization" and "Hwaseong City" is "unilateral dependence" in terms of knowledge. It was found that the 'structure of the state', 'strategy of the state', and 'the nature of the issue', which were assumed as 'constants' in anticipation of not having a major impact, did not directly affect each transition phase of 'conflict → cooperation → conflict'. However, it should not be hastily concluded that the above four assumptions are not important factors in the phase of 'conflict cooperation' in general. This is because it should not be overlooked that the issue of "Maehyang-ri Peace Ecological Park" targeted in this paper is a process that took place at a small regional level. This paper is meaningful in that it first pays attention to the 'conflict situation after social movement'. In general, social movements or protests promoted with a goal are recognized as 'end' the moment they achieve that goal. However, the past historical process often reminds us that the 'post-end situation' can be more important. Second, it has significance as a study of specific 'local political cases'. Until now, 'case studies' have been conducted in various categories by many political scientists. Nevertheless, compared to political studies at the national level centered on the international political field or the National Assembly, case studies on regional politics are still poor. Third, significant reflection points can also be found on the basic questions first raised through the research and analysis process, that is, why large-scale protests occur repeatedly even in the stage of democratic consolidation, and why governance by law and institution is not desirable. Key words: consolidation of democracy, social movement, institutionalization, Maehyang-ri, Peace Ecological Park, Giugni & Passy, conflict cooperation, configuration of alliance본 논문이 주목하는 지점은 많은 학자들이 연구했던 ‘민주주의 공고화’ 단계 중에서도 가장 마지막 부분이라고 할 수 있는 ‘민주적 제도, 절차, 법률에 의한 갈등해소’ 지점이다. 올해까지 벌써 네 번째 ‘평화적 정권교체’를 이뤄낸 한국사회가 ‘민주주의 공고화’ 단계에 들어섰음을 부인할 수 있는 학자는 없겠으나, 그럼에도 지난 5년 전의 ‘촛불항쟁’처럼 대규모 항쟁이 계속되는 이유에 대하여 유의미한 성찰 지점을 찾아보고자 했다. 이는 ‘사회운동의 제도화’라는 측면에서 검토가 가능하다. ‘매향리 평화생태공원 건립 과정’을 연구의 대상으로 삼아 기니와 파시의 ‘갈등적 협력’ 개념을 적용하였다. ‘매향리 운동’의 전 과정을 ‘사회운동의 제도화’라는 측면에서 단순화시키면, ‘54년 간의 고통 및 17년 간의 투쟁’은 ‘사회운동’에 해당하며 이후 ‘평화생태공원 건립 과정’은 ‘제도화’라는 관점에서 분석이 가능하다. 17년간의 긴 투쟁기간 만큼이나 역시 17년간 진행되어온 ‘건립 과정’은, 초기에 그 누구도 이렇게 긴 세월 동안 다시 갈등이 지속될 것을 예상하지 못했다는 점에서 연구의 대상으로 삼기에 적절하다. 기니와 파시의 ‘갈등적 협력’ 이론은 민주화 이후 갈등과 협력이 공존하는 복합적 현대사회의 다원적 갈등을 분석하는데 유용하다. 본 논문에서는 기니와 파시가 제안했던 ‘협력을 추동하는 7가지 가정’을 기본 분석틀로 차용하되, 분석대상의 범위와 ‘중요성에 따른 위계’를 재구성했다. 먼저, 2005년 기지 반환 이후 17년간의 시기를 세 시기로 구분하였다. 전체 시기가 ‘갈등적 협력’ 국면에 해당하는데, 각각 ‘갈등’과 ‘협력’적 성격이 두드러지는 시기별로 구분한 것이다. 먼저 ‘1차 갈등적 국면’은 2005년~2010년까지로, 기지는 반환되었으나 ‘평화생태공원 건립’과 관련한 구체적인 논의가 지지부진했던 기간이다. 두 번째 시기는 ‘협력적 국면’으로 2010년~2014년까지로, 화성시에서 주민대책위 등 시민사회진영과 공식 논의를 시작했고 ‘매향리 평화생태공원 추진협의회’를 구성하여 운영하였으며, ‘화성시 매향리평화생태공원추진협의회 설치 및 운영에 관한 조례’를 제정했다. 마지막 세 번째 시기는 2차 갈등적 국면으로 2014년 이후 현재까지로, ‘추진협의회’가 서서히 유야무야되기 시작했고 화성시의 일방적인 독주가 이어져 주민대책위를 비롯한 시민사회진영은 다시 배제 내지 소외되었다. 이어 ‘갈등→협력→갈등’의 전환이 이루어진 요인을 분석했다. 기니와 파시는 ‘국가의 구조, 국가의 전략, 동맹의 구성, 이슈의 성격, 사회운동조직 내부구조, 운동의 성격, 국가에 전유되는 지식량’ 등을 7가지 가정으로 제기한 바 있다. 이것을 토대로 재구성한 분석틀에 따라, ‘갈등→협력→갈등’의 전환 국면에 가장 큰 영향을 미친 것은 ‘동맹의 구성’과 ‘사회운동조직의 내부구조’인 것으로 분석되었다. ‘동맹의 구성’은 정치권력 안에 사회운동세력의 목소리를 담아낼 통로가 있는가의 여부로, 거꾸로 ‘정치의 본질과 필요성’을 되짚어준다. ‘사회운동의 내부구조’는 그 자체로 하나의 가정으로서 ‘협력적 국면’에 영향을 미치기도 하지만 동시에 ‘동맹의 구성’에도 영향을 미치는 요소라고 평가할 수 있다. ‘운동의 성격’은 애초 주요 변수로 상정하였으나 적절하지 않음을 확인하였다. 변수로 상정했던 ‘지식전유량’ 가정은 이후 상황을 전망하는데 좋은 지표가 될 수 있다. 그간의 ‘갈등→협력→갈등’ 전환 국면에서는 영향을 미치지 못했으나, 현재 ‘매향리 주민대책위’와 ‘화성시청’의 상황이 지식전유량의 측면에서 ‘일방적인 의존관계’임이 확인된 이상, 향후 다시 ‘갈등→협력’ 국면으로 전환되는데 중요한 요인이 될 것으로 예측할 수 있다. 주요한 영향을 미치지 않을 것으로 예상하여 ‘상수’로 상정했던 ‘국가의 구조’, ‘국가의 전략’, ‘이슈의 성격’은 예상대로 ‘갈등→협력→갈등’의 각 전환 국면에 직접적인 영향을 미치지는 않은 것으로 드러났다. 그러나 이는 이 4가지 가정이 일반적으로 ‘갈등적 협력’의 국면에서 중요한 요소가 아니라는 것으로 성급하게 결론지어져서는 안 된다. 왜냐하면, 본 논문에서 대상으로 삼았던 ‘매향리 평화생태공원 건립’이라는 이슈가 소지역적 차원에서 진행된 과정이라는 것을 간과해서는 안 되기 때문이다. 본 논문은 우선 ‘사회운동 이후의 갈등 상황’에 주목한다는 점에서 의의가 있다. 일반적으로, 어떤 목표를 가지고 추진되는 사회운동이나 항쟁은 그 목표를 달성하는 순간 ‘종료’된다고 인식되기 마련이다. 그러나 지난 역사적 과정은 ‘종료 이후의 상황’이 더 중요할 수 있음을 종종 일깨워준다. 둘째, 구체적인 ‘지역 정치 사례’ 연구로서의 의의를 갖는다. 그간 많은 정치학자들에 의해 다양한 범주에서 ‘사례 연구’가 이루어져왔다. 그럼에도, 국제정치 영역이나 국회를 중심으로 한 국가 차원의 정치연구에 비교해보면 지역정치 사례연구는 여전히 빈약한 수준이다. 셋째, 연구와 분석 과정을 통하여 처음 제기했던 커다란 질문들, 즉 ‘민주주의 공고화 단계에서도 대규모 항쟁은 왜 반복적으로 발생하는가’, ‘법과 제도의 의한 통치는 왜 바람직한 모습으로 자리잡고 있지 못한가’ 등에 대해서도 유의미한 성찰 지점을 찾아볼 수 있다. 주요어 : 민주주의 공고화, 사회운동, 제도화, 매향리, 평화생태공원, 기니와 파시, 갈등적 협력, 동맹 구성목 차 Ⅰ. 서론 1 1. 문제제기 1 2. 연구대상 및 방법 4 1) 연구의 대상 4 2) 연구의 방법 6 3) 연구의 의의 7 3. 논문의 구성 8 Ⅱ. 이론적 배경과 분석틀 11 1. ‘사회운동의 제도화’에 대한 이론적 논의 11 2. ‘지역정치운동’에 관한 국내 선행연구 16 3. 연구의 분석틀 20 1) 기니와 파시의 ‘갈등적 협력’ 분석틀 정리 20 2) 분석틀의 재구성 23 Ⅲ. 매향리 미공군 폭격장 반환 이후 ‘갈등적 협력’의 과정 27 1. 매향리 미공군 폭격장 반환 운동 개괄 27 1) 미공군 폭격장 설치와 주민 피해 27 2) 주민 운동의 전개 및 평가 29 3) 매향리폭격장 폐쇄 결정과 평가 30 2. 반환 이후 ‘갈등적 협력’의 과정 32 1) 제1기 : 2005년~2010년 (갈등적 국면) 33 2) 제2기 : 2010년~2014년 (협력적 국면) 35 3) 제3기 : 2014년~현재 (갈등적 국면) 41 3. 소결 48 Ⅳ. ‘협력-갈등’ 전환 국면에 대한 가정 분석 50 1. 주요 변수 ① : 사회운동세력의 내부 구조 51 2. 주요 변수 ② : 동맹의 구성 55 3. 주요 변수 ③ : 운동의 성격 58 4. 기타 변수 : 전유 지식량 62 5. 상수 ① : 국가의 구조 67 6. 상수 ② : 국가의 전략 71 7. 상수 ③ : 이슈의 성격 75 8. 소결 78 Ⅴ. 결론 80 1. 총괄 80 2. 분석틀 정리 84 참고문헌 87 Abstract 95석

백서에서 급성요폐 이후 방광기능의 회복에 대한 glycine의 영향

Thesis(doctoral)--서울대학교 대학원 :의학과 비뇨기과학전공,2006.Docto