21,477 research outputs found

    Keynes among the statisticians

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    This paper considers J. M. Keynes as a statistician and philosopher of statistics and the reaction of English statisticians to his critique of their work. It follows the development of Keynes's thinking through the two versions of his fellowship dissertation The Principles of Probability (1907/8) to his book A Treatise on Probability (1921). It places Keynes's ideas in the context of contemporary English and Continental statistical thought. Of the statisticians considered special attention is paid to the reactions of four: Edgeworth, Bowley, Jeffreys and R. A. Fisher<br/

    Global intelligence, co-operation versus accountability: new facets to an old problem

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    The most important recent change within the realm of intelligence and security services has been the expansion of intelligence co-operation. The growing connectivity between both foreign intelligence services and also domestic security services means that we might speak - not just of growing international co-operation - but perhaps even of global co-operation. This essay considers the complex interplay of intelligence and globalization since 1989. It argues that there is an obvious tension between a developing global style of co-operative activity and the traditional mechanisms of oversight, which have tended to be national. Accordingly, it moves on to discuss the recent efforts by national, regional and international systems of inquiry to examine issues that involve intelligence co-operation. It suggests that while formal committee-type mechanisms have limited purchase, they are not the only options for oversight in a globalized context

    The comparative academic standing of athletes and non-athletes of the class of 1940 at Dartmouth college

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    Thesis (M.A.)--Boston University, 1947. This item was digitized by the Internet Archive

    The (in)visibility of Hobson's Pledge : a struggle for survival in the socio-political environment of Aotearoa/New Zealand : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Sociology at Massey University, New Zealand

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    This study explores the emergence of Hobson’s Pledge, as an alt-right group that attempts to influence government policy towards a state of ‘ethnic unity’. It explores how the group manages ideological contradictions so as to prevent unanticipated (political) consequences, and what the future might hold for the groups as a consequence of those strategies. Three methods are utilised to interpret the situation of Hobson’s Pledge: semi-structure face-to-face interviews; content analysis of internet text; and observations gathered from conversations with group members. Three themes emerge from the data. The first of these is: a true face of ‘whiteness’ - the dislocation of ‘coherence’. The second is: maintaining a ‘colour-blind’ New Zealand for all. With this second theme, four strategies are identified by which Hobson’s Pledge manages the contradictions that come to be revealed publically in its ideology. These strategies are: the promotion of an abstract subjectivity - the ‘New Zealand’ citizen; the issuing of a political demand for national ‘unity’; the presentation of Hobson’s Pledge as a broker of Māori rights against patronization; and the advocacy of a liberal democratic defence of fragility. The third theme is: moving into the future – a post-racial Aotearoa/New Zealand?. Within this latter theme, three moments are revealed in which the operation of Hobson’s Pledge reinforces perceptions of a ‘post-racial’ New Zealand. These moments are: reducing perceived racism to a small fraction of society; a democratic right to ‘free-speech’; and an intensification of covertness – a democratic right to oppose Māori wards. Public conversations are recommended as a mechanism by which the socially-divisive effects of Hobson’s Pledge could be engaged with, to progressive effect

    Transatlantic intelligence and security cooperation

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    Despite recent advances in transatlantic intelligence and security cooperation, significant problems remain. The bombings in Madrid in March 2004 have demonstrated how terrorists and criminals can continue to exploit the limits of hesitant or partial exchange to dangerous effect. Intelligence and security cooperation remain problematic because of the fundamental tension between an increasingly networked world, which is ideal terrain for the new religious terrorism, and highly compartmentalized national intelligence gathering. If cooperation is to improve, we require a better mutual understanding about the relationship between privacy and security to help us decide what sort of intelligence should be shared. This is a higher priority than building elaborate new structures. While most practical problems of intelligence exchange are ultimately resolvable, the challenge of agreeing what the intelligence means in broad terms is even more problematic. The last section of this article argues that shared NATO intelligence estimates would be difficult to achieve and of doubtful value

    ‘Even had I wanted to...’: intelligence and Special Operations in the Falklands Campaign

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    Lawrence Freedman has produced a balanced, well-researched and meticulous account of the Falklands Campaign. It combines scholarship with a lightness of touch. Official history can be - and often is - associated with ponderousness. There is no danger of that here, for the two volumes are tightly written and constitute an enjoyable read. Freedman's long-term interest in this campaign means that he has interviewed most of the key participants, even those who died before he undertook this official commission.1 However, official history is also associated with notions of 'screening' and security vetting prior to publication. Where secret service is concerned, official history has sometimes constituted an instrument with which the authorities have sought to 'police the past'. Accordingly this essay sets out to explore just what these volumes can tell us about the treacherous landscape of intelligence and special operations

    Putting culture into the Cold War: the Cultural Relations Department (CRD) and British covert information warfare

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    In 1943 the British Foreign Office created an obscure outfit called the Cultural Relations Department (CRD), to manage the growing organization of intellectual, cultural, social and artistic contacts designed to promote Allied goodwill. It became clear early on that the Soviet Union was already well-organized in this field, with many seemingly independent international organizations claiming to represent 'world opinion' yet operating as fronts for Moscow's foreign policy objectives. In the three years before 1948, when the more widely-known Information Research Department began its operations, CRD was the cutting edge of Britain's informational Cold War, focused very much upon the twin issues of culture and organized youth. This essay will examine this little-explored organization by focusing upon these twin issues and its neglected records in FO 924 in the Public Record Office, London

    Forest and Range Inventory and Mapping

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    The state of the art in remote sensing for forest and range inventories and mapping has been discussed. There remains a long way to go before some of these techniques can be used on an operational basis. By the time that the Earth Resources Technology Satellite and Skylab space missions are flown, it should be possible to tell what kind and what quality of information can be extracted from remote sensors and how it can be used for surveys of forest and range resources
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