Analysing public service outsourcing: the value of a regulatory perspective

This article draws on findings from two longitudinal case studies of voluntary organisations engaged in delivering social care services via purchaser – provider relations with local authorities. The study focuses on changes to contractual relations, employment conditions in provider organisations and service quality. The article argues the influence of the market on these changes can only be adequately comprehended by rooting the analysis in an understanding of the way in which surrounding regulatory frameworks shape its structure and operation. In doing so, it reveals how in an era of shifting market conditions characterised by greater competition and dramatic local authority cuts, a ‘soft’ regulatory framework offers little support to partnership relations between voluntary organisations and local authorities. Instead, the regulatory environment undermines financial security among voluntary organisations, degrades employment conditions in them and raises concerns regarding their service quality

Transnational regulation of temporary agency work compromised partnership between Private Employment Agencies and Global Union Federations

This article critically assesses the potential for the international regulation of temporary agency work (TAW) through building partnership between the Global Union Federations (GUFs) and major Private Employment Agencies (PrEAs). Given the limits of existing national and international regulation of TAW, particularly in developing countries, and the current deadlock in dialogue through the International Labour Organization, the argument of this article is that Transnational Private Labour Regulation (TPLR) offers a unique opportunity to establish a basis for minimum standards for temporary agency workers. This article goes on to propose three potential TPLR frameworks that, although compromised, are transparent, fair and sufficiently elastic to accommodate the distributive and political risks associated with partnership. They also offer important gains, namely increasing the competitive advantage of the PrEAs involved, minimum standards for agency workers and ‘field enlarging’ strategies for the GUFs and their affiliates

European Industrial Relations: Transnational Relations and Global Challenges

This study investigates transnational relations and global challenges which the European Industrial Relations have been facing recently. The paper, methodologically, was structured with taking into account both socio- political and judicial arguments. The social theory, and ergo, the practice in Europe were analyzed according to Marxist point of view. Basically, industrial relations and employment relationship were examined from the perspectives of employees, employee representatives and nation-states. The influence of the Charter of Fundamental Rights which is legally binding with the Lisbon Treaty (TFEU) was examined. In addition, the effectiveness of the acquis communautaire within the EU was argued with respect to the European Social Model; such as, social dialogue, tripartite and bipartite information exchange and consultation, collective bargaining and legal provisions regarding employment conditions and social protection. The importance of Europeanisation and convergence of national industrial relations was illustrated. Keywords: Industrial Relations, Collective Bargaining, Europeanisatio

EG-Sozialpolitik nach Verflechtungsfalle und Entscheidungslücke: Bewertungsmaßstäbe und Entwicklungstrends

Bis in die 1990er Jahre befand sich die EG-Sozialpolitik infolge weitestgehender Einstimmigkeitserfordernisse in einer ‚Politikverflechtungsfalle’ (Fritz W. Scharpf), die noch durch eine, korporatistische Entscheidungslücke’ (Wolfgang Streeck) ergänzt wurde. Der Maastrichter Vertrag brachte allerdings signifikante Neuerungen in Hinblick auf Handlungskompetenzen, Mehrheitsvoten und die korporatistische Einbeziehung der Sozialpartnerverbände. Dass diese Potenziale entgegen vielfachen Erwartungen auch praktisch zur Anwendung kamen, heißt allerdings noch nicht, dass die Problemlösungskapazität der EG-Sozialpolitik schon zufrieden stellend wäre. Dieser Beitrag analysiert unterschiedliche Beurteilungsmaßstäbe dafür und zeigt auf, dass die ‚soziale Dimension‘ bei Anwendung von inhaltlich vergleichsweise eng definierten Ansprüchen mittlerweile besser abschneidet, als oft erwartet wurde (Schließung akuter arbeitsrechtlicher Lücken; Kommissionsvorschläge im Vergleich zu Ratsbeschlüssen). Noch tut die Union allerdings wenig, um marktinduziertem Druck auf soziale Standards in den Mitgliedstaaten entgegenzuwirken. Bislang kaum ernsthaft diskutiert wurde auch die Nützung jener Potenziale für sozialgestaltende Politik auf supranationaler Ebene, die heute angesichts offener Märkte in den Mitgliedstaaten immer weniger bestehen. Als Entwicklungstrend zeichnet sich in allerjüngster Zeit eine völlig neue Rolle für die EG-Sozialpolitik im 21. Jahrhundert ab: als Motor und zugleich Korsett für auf nationaler Ebene entschiedene Reformen.Until the 1990s, eC social policy was characterised by a joint-decision trap (Fritz W. Scharpf) characterized by a joint decision trap and a concomitant ‘corporatist decision gap’ (Wolfgang Streeck). The Maastricht Treaty, however, brought significant innovation in terms of EC competencies, majority voting, and corporatist decision patterns. The fact that some of these potential improvements have actually been put into practice — surprisingly for many — does not, however, mean that the problem solving capacity of the EC in social policy is satisfying. This article analyses several quite different yardsticks and shows that the ‘social dimension’ is more successful than was often expected, in the light of the less ambitious standards (closing labour law gaps induced by the Internal Market; Commission proposals compared to Council decisions). By contrast, the EC does little to fight devaluative pressures on the national social standards, and it does not yet make use of the specific potential for improvements in social policy which nowadays tends to exist on the supranational level rather than on the national one. Very recently, however, there has been a trend towards a new role for EC social policy in the 21st century: as a catalyst and, at the same time, corset for reforms decided upon at the national level

The European Social Model Comes to Britain

The EC framework directive on information and consultation will have to be implemented for undertakings in the UK employing at least 150 employees or establishments employing at least 100 employees by 23 March 2005. Unlike most other Member States, the UK does not have a mandatory regime of workplace representation. EU law is shaping an economic model incorporating mandatory information and consultation of employees and their representatives. The interpretation and application of the new directive by the Commission and the European Court will be shaped by their understanding of this ‘European social model’, while a Convention on the Future of Europe is deliberating on what it means to be a citizen of the European Union. The directive's object and principles are analysed. The directive requires a nine-stage process: (1) transmission of information/data, (2) acquaintance with and examination of data, (3) conduct of an adequate study, (4) preparation for consultation, (5) formulation of an opinion, (6) meeting, (7) employer's reasoned response to opinion, (8) ‘exchange of views and establishment of dialogue’, ‘discussion’, ‘with a view to reaching an agreement on decisions’, and (9) ‘the employer and the employees’ representatives shall work in a spirit of cooperation and with due regard for their reciprocal rights and obligations, taking into account the interests both of the undertaking or establishment and of the employees'. The implications for the structure of employee representation and the potential scope for Member States to determine the practical arrangements for exercising the right to information and consultation, and, in particular, the position when Member States entrust to management and labour the task of defining practical arrangements are explored. The role of the Blair government in weakening the directive, and its consequences, are described. The conclusion considers the scope for a form of ‘British industrial relations exceptionalism’ in the European Union