Partie prawicowego populizmu – próba zdefiniowania zjawiska

Since the end of the 80s in Western Europe and since the 90s also in Central and Eastern Europe parties called right-wing populist appeared on the political scene of many European countries. They have been very successful at the local, international and European political level. Their success can be seen for example in the election results to the European Parliament in 2009. These parties now very often form part of contesters of the European integration process, at the same time becoming its’ challenge. There is still no unity among political scientists concerning the characteristics of these parties and how to define them. The aim of this publication is firstly to depict different theoretical concepts of the analyzed parties, which are present in the political science literature. They will be later the basis for defining the ideological-programmatic specifics of the right-wing populist parties and will indicate their common features. The second aim is to present a new theoretical concept defining the right-wing populist parties. This definition will give grounds for further research on the phenomenon of the right-wing populist parties

Seventh Grade Students' Perceptions of Nicaraguan Immigrants in Costa Rica

The University of Kansas has long historical connections with Central America and the many Central Americans who have earned graduate degrees at KU. This work is part of the Central American Theses and Dissertations collection in KU ScholarWorks and is being made freely available with permission of the author through the efforts of Professor Emeritus Charles Stansifer of the History department and the staff of the Scholarly Communications program at the University of Kansas Libraries’ Center for Digital Scholarship.Costa Rica has experienced large migrations from Nicaragua in the past two decades due primarily to Nicaragua’s weak economy and volatile government. Costa Rica offers immigrants a stable economy and political situation. One consequence of these migrations is strong negative perceptions held by Costa Ricans about Nicaraguans. How and from where did the negative perceptions originate? What feeds and encourages these negative perceptions? Why do negative perceptions continue to persist? In order to answer these questions and assess the validity of the negative perceptions, this thesis analyzes essays written by seventh-graders regarding their opinions of Nicaraguans in Costa Rica. The overall student response was negative, which matches the discourse used by the adult population. In some instances, there was reasonable, objective evidence for the validity of the negative perceptions. However, in most cases, the students tended to over-generalize and exaggerate negative perceptions in response to their fear of the “other.

Analytic Assessment of General Aviation Security Issues in the Post-9/11 Environment: Implications for the Small Aircraft Transportation System

Until recently, security as a whole was often a low priority in the aviation regulatory environment. In the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of last summer, general aviation came under immediate scrutiny; concomitant to this, it became evident that security was lacking at airports of all sizes and levels of service. These developments created an unforeseen challenge for the Small Aircraft Transportation System (SATS), a new generation of advanced small aircraft and supporting infrastructure designed to provide service to people underserved by current airline route networks. This article reports on policy-oriented research—conducted via a meta-analytic process—that analyzes the obstacles facing SATS in the post-September 11 security environment

Prawicowy populizm w Holandii – Lista Pima Fortuyna i Partia na Rzecz Wolności. Kontynuacja czy zmiana?

Z wprowadzenia: "W ostatnich dwóch dekadach XX w. prawicowy populizm stał się istotnym wyzwaniem w polityce większości państw europejskich. Współczesne demokracje zmagają się z coraz nowszymi formami owych zjawisk, które nierzadko, choć w różnym stopniu, wywierają wpływ na politykę danego kraju. Na początku XXI w. partie tego typu pojawiły się również w Holandii – powszechnie uważanej za najbardziej tolerancyjną, otwartą i stabilną demokrację europejską. Wśród politologów spotkać można opinie, że sukces prawicowych populistów w Holandii możliwy był m.in. dzięki liberalnej i postmodernistycznej specyfice Fortuyna i jego formacji – Listy Pima Fortuyna (Lijst Pim Fortuyn – LPF)."(...

Shooting Stars

This study analyzes two decades of data from a municipal police agency and describes the average patrol officer career productivity trajectory. We find that declines in productivity begin immediately after the first year of service and worsen over the course of officers’ careers. After their 20th year, patrol officers generate 88% fewer directed patrols, 50% fewer traffic warnings, 58% fewer traffic citations, 41% fewer warrant arrests, and 57% fewer misdemeanor arrests compared to officers with 1 year of experience. Using a patrol officer productivity metric called Z-score per Productive Time ( Z-PRO), we estimate that each additional year of service decreases an officer’s overall productivity by about 2%. Z-PRO also indicates that after 21 years of service, an average officer will be approximately 35% less productive overall than an officer with 1 year of service. </jats:p

Kształtowanie instrumentów ochrony demokracji w Polsce na przykładzie zakazu zgromadzeń. Perspektywa ideowa

There is no single, universal model for the protection of democracy that sets limits on freedom and tolerance in liberal democracies. In response to political extremism, states apply various measures — from highly repressive ones, such as restrictions on freedom of speech or association, to more liberal ones based on persuasive strategies. Which instruments are adopted and implemented depends on the decisions of public actors. This article deals with the ban on assembly, which is a repressive instrument of democracy protection. Basing on the analysis of selected assembly bans cases, the aim is first to determine which model of democracy protection is closer to the solutions adopted in Poland — militant or procedural democracy, and second to indicate why such solutions were adopted. More precisely, by means of an ideational perspective, the aim is to explain the different positions taken by public actors in the process of implementing the assembly ban. The article uses the method of qualitative content analysis of legal acts and decisions made by public authorities regarding holding assemblies. By means of a purposeful case selection, the analysis was carried out on the assembly bans against extreme right-wing groups in Warsaw and Wrocław. The research has shown that the legal norms adopted in Poland allow the application of assembly bans in accordance with the concept of militant democracy. However, the implementation shows a different approach of public actors in this matter. Municipalities are closer to the model of a militant democracy, as they allow a preventive ban on assembly as an instrument of public order protection in relation to freedom of speech infringements. In doing so, they do not maintain neutrality towards the views public discourse participants. The courts, on the other hand, exclude the subject of assemblies as a basis for their preventive restriction, the premises of the ban being violence or a direct threat to life, health and property. Their position is thus closer to the procedural model of protecting democracy. The adopted ideational perspective points to possible reasons for the different positions of public actors. Their attitude to values which are crucial for the protection of democracy shows differences. This applies, among others, to the different weight ascribed to particular democratic values, the different perception of threats to the society and the democratic state, and the divergence in defining the thresholds of freedom and tolerance.&#x0D; ∗ Artykuł powstał w wyniku realizacji projektu badawczego UMO-2014/15/D/HS5/03272 finansowanego ze środków Narodowego Centrum Nauki. Wyrazy podziękowania kieruję do recenzentów za bardzo wnikliwe i inspirujące komentarze.</jats:p

Bobbies and Baseball Players

Patrol officer productivity is an understudied topic in police research. Prior studies on productivity have primarily relied on rudimentary statistics, such as calls for service and arrests. A more advanced method for evaluating productivity should (a) account for the diverse activities of patrol officers, (b) weight different productivity outputs, (c) evaluate officers in terms of available minutes for self-initiated activities (productive time), and (d) offer agencies the flexibility to select, prioritize, and weight patrol activities most relevant to their jurisdictions. Borrowing from a baseball sabermetric called Value Over Replacement Player, we create and test an innovative statistic called Value Over Replacement Cop. This metric analyzes 12 patrol activities and generates a single number by which to quantify and evaluate a patrol officer’s productivity. Using data from a midsize U.S. Police Department (325 sworn officers), we find strong support for the validity of this new metric. </jats:p