Despotism and Risk of Infanticide Influence Grizzly Bear Den-Site Selection

Given documented social dominance and intraspecific predation in bear populations, the ideal despotic distribution model and sex hypothesis of sexual segregation predict adult female grizzly bears (Ursus arctos) will avoid areas occupied by adult males to reduce risk of infanticide. Under ideal despotic distribution, juveniles should similarly avoid adult males to reduce predation risk. Den-site selection and use is an important component of grizzly bear ecology and may be influenced by multiple factors, including risk from conspecifics. To test the role of predation risk and the sex hypothesis of sexual segregation, we compared adult female (n = 142), adult male (n = 36), and juvenile (n = 35) den locations in Denali National Park and Preserve, Alaska, USA. We measured elevation, aspect, slope, and dominant land cover for each den site, and used maximum entropy modeling to determine which variables best predicted den sites. We identified the global model as the best-fitting model for adult female (area under curve (AUC) = 0.926) and elevation as the best predictive variable for adult male (AUC = 0.880) den sites. The model containing land cover and elevation best-predicted juvenile (AUC = 0.841) den sites. Adult females spatially segregated from adult males, with dens characterized by higher elevations ( = 1,412 m, SE = 52) and steeper slopes ( = 21.9°, SE = 1.1) than adult male (elevation:  = 1,209 m, SE = 76; slope:  = 15.6°, SE = 1.9) den sites. Juveniles used a broad range of landscape attributes but did not avoid adult male denning areas. Observed spatial segregation by adult females supports the sex hypothesis of sexual segregation and we suggest is a mechanism to reduce risk of infanticide. Den site selection of adult males is likely related to distribution of food resources during spring

Power, expertise and the limits of representative democracy: genetics as scientific progress or political legitimation in carcinogenic risk assessment of pharmaceuticals?

In modern ‘representative’ democratic states, the legitimacy of governments’ actions rests on their publicly declared commitment to protect the interests of their citizens. Regarding the pharmaceutical sector in most democracies, new drug products are developed and marketed by a capitalist industry, whose member firms, via shareholders, have commercial interests in expanding product sales. In those democracies, states have established government agencies to regulate the pharmaceutical industry on behalf of citizens. State legislatures, such as the US Congress and European Parliaments, have charged government drug regulatory agencies with the legal responsibility to protect public health. Yet, this paper argues that government drug regulatory agencies in the EU, Japan, and USA have permitted the pharmaceutical industry to reshape the regulatory guidance for carcinogenic risk assessment of pharmaceuticals in ways that are not techno-scientifically defensible as bases for improved, or even equivalent, protection of public health, compared with the previous techno-regulatory standards. By adopting the industry’s agenda of streamlining carcinogenicity testing in order to accelerate drug development and regulatory review, it is contended that these regulatory agencies have allowed the techno-regulatory standards for carcinogenic risk assessment to be loosened in ways that are presented as scientific progress resulting from new genetics, but for which there is little evidence of progress in public health protection