Sexual Prejudice in the Schools: Applying the Integrated Threat Theory to Evaluation Bias

Previous studies have looked at sexual prejudice in the schools, finding strong evidence suggesting that students encounter violence and discrimination as a result of being gay or lesbian. However, few studies to date have looked at the impact sexual orientation has on professor evaluations. Using 276 students from a local junior college, Experiment 1 explored the differential evaluation of a professor as a function of sexual orientation (gay versus straight) and target school (the applicant's school vs. out of state). Results suggested that a gay professor applying to a student's immediate institution was evaluated lower than astraight professor applying to the same institution. Conversely, a gay professor applying out of state was evaluated higher than the straight professor seeking employment out of state. However, these findings were not replicated with a sample of university students introduced to the same experimental conditions (Experiment 2; N = 169). It appears as if, at least within a population of junior college students, the perception of realistic and symbolic threats are highly salient when a gay professor is applying for a position that directly impacts the student. Future research must focus on correcting some of the potential flaws in the present study (e.g., low reliability for the manipulation check questions). Additionally, studies should be conducted to assess the applicability of these findings to the evaluation of a lesbian professor

On the Psychological Function of Nationalistic “Whitelash”

A noticeable feature of the political discourse accompanying the rise of Nationalism in White-majority countries is that White people fare worse than other ethnic groups in their societies. However, it is unclear based on the extant literature why group-based relative deprivation (GRD) would correlate with majority-group Nationalism. Here, we propose that the psychological function of Nationalism for majority-group members lies in its ability to assuage the negative feelings arising from GRD. Accordingly, in a New Zealand national probability sample (N= 15,607), we found that GRD among Whites was negatively associated with wellbeing. However, we also found an opposing indirect association mediated by Nationalism. GRD was associated with higher Nationalism, which was in turn associated with higher wellbeing. These findings suggest that endorsing beliefs about national superiority is one way a nation’s dominant ethnic group can cope with the negative psychological consequences of perceiving that their group is deprived

A great friggin' swindle? Sex Pistols, school kids and 1979

This article examines the popularity of the Sex Pistols’ song “Friggin’ in the Riggin’” and its parent album The Great Rock ‘n’ Roll Swindle. It argues that in 1979 the Sex Pistols attracted a new and younger audience, one that has been neglected in previous studies of the band, which tend instead to focus on the years 1976 and 1977 and the band’s original coterie of followers. This article locates the teenage appeal of “Friggin’ in the Riggin’” in its themes of swearing, sex and piracy. It also explores the media infrastructure that enabled young adolescents to access this music. Following on from this, the article charts the triumph of Johnny Rotten’s Sex Pistols’ narrative over that of Malcolm McLaren. The Great Rock ‘n’ Roll Swindle fell prey to notions of authenticity, coherence and the canonical tastes of young adults

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The socialization of perceived discrimination in ethnic minority groups

Contact with members of one’s own group (ingroup) and other groups (outgroups) shapes individuals’ beliefs about the world, including perceptions of discrimination against one’s ingroup. Research to date indicates that, among members of disadvantaged groups, contact with an advantaged outgroup is associated with less perceived discrimination, while contact with the disadvantaged ingroup is associated with more perceived discrimination. Past studies, however, considered ingroup and outgroup contact in isolation and overlooked the various processes that could explain these associations. We addressed these issues by examining whether disadvantaged-group members’ perceptions of discrimination are shaped by how much contact they have with ingroup and outgroup members (contact effects) or by those ingroup and outgroup members’ perceptions of discrimination (socialization effects) while controlling for their tendency to affiliate with similar others (selection effects). Three studies (total N = 5,866 ethnic minority group members) assessed participants’ positive contact, friendships, and perceived discrimination and applied longitudinal and social network analyses to separate and simultaneously test contact, socialization, and selection processes. In contrast to previous studies, we found no evidence that contact with members of the advantaged outgroup precedes perceived discrimination. Instead, we found that friendships with members of the disadvantaged ingroup longitudinally predict perceived discrimination through the process of socialization—disadvantaged-group members’ perceptions of discrimination became more similar to their ingroup friends’ perceptions of discrimination over time. We conclude that perceptions of discrimination should be partly understood as a socialized belief about a shared reality

Opposing Misperceptions of Wealth: Liberals overestimate their neighborhoods’ wealth in wealthier neighborhoods, while Conservatives overestimate their neighborhoods’ wealth in poor neighborhoods

Although perceptions of wealth are shaped by people’s social environment and ideological beliefs, few studies integrate these two perspectives. We address this oversight by examining the association between participants’ actual and estimated average neighborhood household income and whether political orientation moderates this relationship. Using a large, nationwide random sample of New Zealand adults (N = 14,853), our results reveal that both liberals and conservatives overestimated the wealth of their own neighborhoods—but these differences only emerged in the poorest and wealthiest neighborhoods. Specifically, in poor neighborhoods, conservatives were less accurate than liberals at estimating the average income of their neighborhood. In rich neighborhoods, liberals were less accurate than conservatives at this same task. The implications of these results for understanding (mis)perceptions of wealth on both sides of the political spectrum are discussed

People and the Place: Social Dominance Orientation is Reciprocally Associated with Hierarchy-Enhancing Occupations Over Time

Social dominance orientation (SDO) is a widely researched construct that indexes a preference for hierarchical intergroup relations. However, it remains unclear whether this preference (a) motivates people to seek out occupations that enhance hierarchical relations between groups (i.e., occupational assortment), (b) develops as a result of working within hierarchy-enhancing occupations (i.e., occupational socialization), or (c) both. One reason for this gap is that the large-scale longitudinal data required to simultaneously model assortment and socialization processes is scarce. In this study, we analyzed data from two waves of longitudinal data (spaced either 1, 3, or 5 years apart) from a nationwide sample of adults (Ns = 3,452 – 4,412), who were already working in either hierarchy-enhancing occupations (e.g., law enforcement) or hierarchy-attenuating occupations (e.g., social work). Results showed that SDO predicted an increased probability of working in a hierarchy-enhancing occupation 3 and 5 years later. Working in a hierarchy-enhancing occupation was also positively associated with SDO after 1 and 5 years. This pattern generally suggests that occupations are both shaped, and shaped by, intergroup beliefs

Validation of the Mini‐ IPIP6 Short‐Form Personality Inventory: Honesty‐Humility Predicts Cooperation in Economic Games

This study validated the Mini‐IPIP6 short‐form measure of Honesty‐Humility to predict cooperative behaviour in online economic games. A subsample of participants from the New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study completed four online economic games for money, in addition to the Mini‐IPIP6 six‐factor personality inventory (N = 979). Cooperative behaviour was modelled as a latent variable reflecting behaviour across the four games. Honesty‐Humility was the sole personality dimension associated with cooperative behaviour, even after adjusting for relevant demographics (including gender, age, ethnicity, socio‐economic status, education and religiosity). Consistent with the hypothesised adaptive benefits of Honesty‐Humility (i.e., gains from cooperation, mutual help and non‐aggression), people higher in Honesty‐Humility cooperated more with anonymous others in online economic exchanges for money when there was a risk of exploitation. Given the nature of the games, people higher in Honesty‐Humility tended to earn more money if their partner cooperated, but less if their partner defected. These results validate the Mini‐IPIP6 measure of Honesty‐Humility and support its convergent and discriminant validity. These results highlight the predictive validity of the Mini‐IPIP6 measure of Honesty‐Humility and show it is reliably associated with cooperative behaviour

Marketing as a means to transformative social conflict resolution: lessons from transitioning war economies and the Colombian coffee marketing system

Social conflicts are ubiquitous to the human condition and occur throughout markets, marketing processes, and marketing systems.When unchecked or unmitigated, social conflict can have devastating consequences for consumers, marketers, and societies, especially when conflict escalates to war. In this article, the authors offer a systemic analysis of the Colombian war economy, with its conflicted shadow and coping markets, to show how a growing network of fair-trade coffee actors has played a key role in transitioning the country’s war economy into a peace economy. They particularly draw attention to the sources of conflict in this market and highlight four transition mechanisms — i.e., empowerment, communication, community building and regulation — through which marketers can contribute to peacemaking and thus produce mutually beneficial outcomes for consumers and society. The article concludes with a discussion of implications for marketing theory, practice, and public policy

Abortion attitudes: An overview of demographic and ideological differences

Despite being a defining issue in the culture war, the relative importance of the psychological predictors of abortion attitudes are poorly understood. We address this oversight here by reviewing existing findings and providing new evidence for the demographic and ideological correlates of abortion support. Throughout our review, we integrate new analyses of several large-scale, cross-sectional, and longitudinal datasets to provide the most complete empirical examination of abortion attitudes to date. Our review and new analyses indicate that abortion support is increasing (modestly) over time in both the US and New Zealand. We also show that a plurality of respondents (43.8%) in the US indicate that they are “pro-choice” across various elective and traumatic scenarios, whereas only 14.8% report being consistently “pro-life” regardless of why an abortion is sought. Our review and new integrative analyses then demonstrate that age, religiosity, and conservatism correlate negatively, whereas Openness to Experience correlates positively, with abortion support. New analyses of heterosexual couples also reveal that women’s and men’s religiosity uniquely decreases their romantic partner’s abortion support. Finally, noting inconsistent gender differences in abortion support, we review evidence for the impact of traditional gender role attitudes and sexism on abortion support. Our review and theoretical analyses illustrate that, rather than misogyny, benevolent sexism—the belief that women should be cherished and protected—best explains abortion opposition. We conclude that demographic and ideological variables, along with attitudes that revere women and motherhood, continue to undermine women’s interpersonal, intergroup, and societal rights