Résistance à la médecine en situation coloniale : la peste à Madagascar

Resistance to medicine in a colonial situation : the plague in Madagascar Even if the reaction of the inhabitants of Madagascar to the plague -a "new" disease which appeared in the Central Highlands in 1921- was in many respects comparable to that of the Europeans in the Middle Ages or in modern times, their colonial circumstances conferred a real originality to their attitude. In addition to the anxiety generated by the prospects of a periodic re-occurrence of the plague and of epidemics striking at entire families and villages, there was the fear not only of a certain death but also of painful burial. In effect, the sanitary rules decreed by outsiders without taking local traditions into account, prevented the return of the deceased to the ancestral land. In the eyes of the indigenous population, by a series of severe and often inconsistent prophylactic measures the oppressive colonial administration was seeking nothing but the perpetuation of French domination. The plague -if it existed at all- was nothing but a pretext for pressure on the indigenous population, and the ineffective anti-plague vaccines, nothing but a ruse to destroy them. Nationalist leaders thus found in the plague and the various measures adopted to combat it an excellent theme for propaganda. The indigenous reaction to the anti-plague campaign organized by the colonists assumed the character of veritable political resistance especially during the period of the Popular FrontEsoavelomandroso Faranirina. Résistance à la médecine en situation coloniale : la peste à Madagascar. In: Annales. Économies, Sociétés, Civilisations. 36ᵉ année, N. 2, 1981. pp. 168-190

Introduction

Esoavelomandroso Manassé. Introduction. In: Revue française d'histoire d'outre-mer, tome 73, n°270, 1er trimestre 1986. Madagascar et l'Europe (1re Partie) pp. 5-6

Les conventions franco-mahafale de 1859 et 1860

The Mahafales populations of the South-West of Madagascar belong to the groups that the Madagascan surveys of the 19th century and of the colonial period ignore or qualify by wild, barbarie, superstitious. Le crown did not succeed to subjugate these populations. The friendship and the perpetual alliance conventions between France and the Mahafales from 1859 and 1860 would hâve been accepted by the Mahafales sovereigns who unable to sign made a cross. These conventions has as a major aim to prepare the ways of florishing trade for the settlers of the Reunion. The anchorage or the right of anchoring of some French merchant ships were done by means of présents given to the king and to a person he will refer to. These presents were seen as a taken of friendship which units the two countries. The Mahafales had to give a free assistance to the French who were on the land, for the white are those who bring wealth in their country. But any article did not anticipate the sanctions to inflict on French if they did not respect the terms of the treaty. The 1859 and 1860 conventions are only in fact treaties imposed by some traders eagered with gain. The colonial written papers of the 19th century present the Madagascan as people who do not respect their given words and they only think robbing and pillaging the traders. Signed in the lacking of understanding, the conventions of 1859 and 1860 allow both sides to accuse the other of duplicity which does not prevent them from continuing the trade relations.Les populations mahafale du sud-ouest de Madagascar font partie de ces groupes que les études malgaches et malgachisantes du XIXe siècle et de l'époque coloniale ignorent ou qualifient de «sauvages», «barbares», «superstitieuses». La couronne d'Antananarivo n'a pas réussi à soumettre ces populations. Les conventions d'amitié et d'aillance perpétuelle franco-mahafale de 1859 et 1860 auraient été acceptées par les souverains mahafale qui, «ne sachant signer ont fait leur croix». Ces conventions avaient pour but principal de préparer les voies d'un commerce florissant pour les colons de La Réunion. Le mouillage ou le droit d'ancrage des bateaux de commerce français se faisait par le truchement de cadeaux au roi et à une personne qu'il désignait. Ces cadeaux étaient vus comme des témoignages de l'amitié qui unissait les deux pays. Les Mahafale devaient une assistante gratuite aux Français à terre, car c'étaient eux qui apportaient la richesse dans leur pays. Mais aucun article ne prévoyait les sanctions à infliger aux Français s'ils ne respectaient pas les termes du traité. Les conventions de 1859 et 1860 ne sont en fait que des traités imposés par des commerçants avides de gain. Les écrits coloniaux du XIXe siècle présentent les Malgaches comme des populations qui ne respectent pas la parole donnée et ne pensent qu'à voler et à piller les commerçants. Signées dans l'incompréhension, les conventions de 1859 et 1860 ont permis aux deux parties d'accuser l'autre de duplicité, ce qui ne les empêcha pas de poursuivre leurs relations commerciales.Esoavelomandroso Manassé. Les conventions franco-mahafale de 1859 et 1860. In: Revue française d'histoire d'outre-mer, tome 73, n°270, 1er trimestre 1986. Madagascar et l'Europe (1re Partie) pp. 67-83

Aménagement et occupation de l'espace dans la ville moyenne d'Antananarivo pendant la colonisation. (L'exemple du quartier d'Ankadifotsy.)

F. V. Esoavelomandroso — Spatial Layout and Occupation in Antananarivo Mid-town during the Colonial Period. (The Case of Ankadifotsy Neighbourhood.) Through the history of a neighbourhood, the study of the urbanization process in Antananarivo offers an example of the planning problems in a city with a hilly landscape and an ancient tradition of spatial organization patterned upon that of Merina villages. From an initial nucleus centred around the Rova (the royal palaces on Antananarivo's highest hill), the city eventually came to incorporate the suburban villages such as Ankadifotsy. Insofar as the town is not a colonial creation, its past history has been a determinant factor in preventing racial segregation, even if some European colonists advocated it by putting forward the dangers of promiscuity in anarchically overbuilt and overpopulated quarters. Indepen-dently from generai considerations (bureaucratie red tape, shortage of public funds), decision-makers and entrepreneurs took but a marginal interest in a neighbourhood such as Ankadifotsy, located as it was on a rather outlying hill. Its plots mainly belong to, and are chiefly occupied by members of the Malagasy lower middle class and petty bourgeoisie, while the Europeans and the Malagasy upper middle class prefer to live in more favoured districts.Esoavelommandroso Faranirina V. Aménagement et occupation de l'espace dans la ville moyenne d'Antananarivo pendant la colonisation. (L'exemple du quartier d'Ankadifotsy.). In: Cahiers d'études africaines, vol. 25, n°99, 1985. Ségrégation spatiale, ségrégation sociale. pp. 337-361

La Grande Guerre vue d'outre-mer : français et patriotisme malgache

At the end of 1915, the colonial authorities arrest some four hundred Madagascans, accused of having hatched a nationalist conspiracy as the part of a secrete society, the V.V.S. The Merina elites try to conciliate Western culture and Malagasy culture. In the first decades of the twentieth century, the idea of a restoration of the monarchy is not new to those elites. Between French patriotism and Madagascan patriotism, the limits are rather vague. The intellectuals avail the opportunity of the war to make the public opinion sensitive to a Malagasy patriotism, which is expressed openly under favour of this context.Vers la fin de 1915, les autorités coloniales procèdent à l'arrestation de quelque quatre cents Malgaches accusés d'avoir ourdi un complot nationaliste dans le cadre d'une société secrète, la V.V.S. Les élites merina cherchent à concilier culture occidentale et culture malgache. Dans les premières décennies du XXe siècle, l'idée d'une restauration de la monarchie ne leur est pas étrangère. Entre patriotisme français et patriotisme malgache les limites sont plutôt floues. Les intellectuels tananari viens saisissent l'occasion de la guerre pour sensibiliser l'opinion sur un patriotisme malgache qui s'exprime ouvertement à la faveur de ce contexte.Esoavelomandroso Faranirina. La Grande Guerre vue d'outre-mer : français et patriotisme malgache. In: Revue française d'histoire d'outre-mer, tome 73, n°271, 2e trimestre 1986. Madagascar et l'Europe (2e Partie) pp. 129-141

Introduction

Esoavelomandroso Manassé. Introduction. In: Revue française d'histoire d'outre-mer, tome 73, n°270, 1er trimestre 1986. Madagascar et l'Europe (1re Partie) pp. 5-6

Le programme de recherche en Sciences sociales MRSTD-ORSTOM dans la région de Toliara (Sud-Ouest de Madagascar)

Esoavelomandroso Manassé. Le programme de recherche en Sciences sociales MRSTD-ORSTOM dans la région de Toliara (Sud-Ouest de Madagascar). In: Journal des anthropologues, n°46, Hiver 1992. Recherches scientifiques en partenariat, sous la direction de Marc-Eric Gruénais et Jacques Lombard. pp. 33-38

L'influence des « coutumes », considérées en tant qu'habitudes, dans le droit positif malgache

International audienceMalagasy law is still strongly imbued with custom, which remains a living source of law. The status of custom in the Malagasy positive law enacted in 1962 was evoked again in 2004, provided that the custom is perfectly established and does not interfere with public order and morality. While customary rules can contribute to the establishment of norms and inspire judges, they can also make law enforcement difficult, to the point where « law and custom are in conflict », an even if the custom is contrary to the law, it happens that the law yields to the custom.Le droit malgache reste encore fortement imprégné de la coutume qui demeure une source vivante du droit en certains domaines. La place de la coutume dans le droit positif malgache, énoncée depuis 1962, a été rappelée encore en 2004 ; la condition est qu'elle soit certaine, parfaitement établie et ne heurte pas l'ordre public et les bonnes moeurs. Si les règles coutumières peuvent contribuer à la formation des normes et sont sources d'inspiration du juge, elles peuvent aussi rendre difficile l'application des lois, à tel point que même lorsque « droit et coutume sont en conflit », et quand bien même la coutume serait contraire à la loi, il arrive que la loi cède face à la coutume

Résistance et rébellion. Une lecture de l'insurrection menalamba.

F. V. Esoavelomandroso — Resistance and Rebellion: An Interpretation of the Menalamba Insurrection. A review of S. Ellis' The Rising of the Red Shawls, a history of the Malagasy rebellion which followed the fall of Antananarivo and suppression of the monarchy by the French. The movement had its roots in the late precolonial evolution of the kingdom, especially the conversion of its elites to Christianity, which resulted into a tension between a traditionalist periphery and a Christianized central oligarchy, viewed as collaborationist. The French conquest brought to light a latent crisis engendered by the contradictions which marred the Malagasy social and political organization in the last decades of the 19th century.Esoavelommandroso Faranirina V. Résistance et rébellion. Une lecture de l'insurrection menalamba.. In: Cahiers d'études africaines, vol. 25, n°99, 1985. Ségrégation spatiale, ségrégation sociale. pp. 443-446