When it comes to a fair constitutional settlement, beware of constitutional hyper-activism

The Flower of Scotland may well be blooming but a number of thorny issues face the Prime Minister and the leaders of the main parties in the UK, writes Matthew Flinders. The Prime Minister’s commitment to a ‘new and fair constitutional settlement’ not just for Scotland but for the whole of the United Kingdom may well reflect the need to think in a joined-up manner about constitutional reform and the devolution of power but the simple rhetoric cannot veil the complexity of the challenges ahead

Maria Miller’s resignation is yet another example of the need to drag Parliament into the twenty-first century

The news that Maria Miller had decided to resign as Culture Secretary was not really much of a surprise. Matthew Flinders writes that the only real surprise was that she had toughed-out the media feeding frenzy and gradual but very clear loss of political support for so long. And yet beyond the sensational headlines the real – and arguably more important issues – remain unexamined

A new and fair constitutional settlement? Beware of constitutional hyper-activism

The Flower of Scotland may well be blooming but a number of thorny issues face the Prime Minister and the leaders of the main parties in the UK, writes Matthew Flinders. The Prime Minister’s commitment to a ‘new and fair constitutional settlement’ not just for Scotland but for the whole of the United Kingdom may well reflect the need to think in a joined-up manner about constitutional reform and the devolution of power but the simple rhetoric cannot veil the complexity of the challenges ahead

What kind of democracy is this? Scholars must look beyond the populist signal

Matt Flinders reflects on the changing nature of democratic politics and asks whether a focus upon all things 'post' - post-Trump, post-Brexit, post-truth, post-democratic, etc. - has prevented scholars and social commentators from looking beyond or beneath the populist signal

We need a deeper and more socially embedded kind of democracy based on active and engaged citizenship

What is the problem with democracy? That is the question that Matthew Flinders seeks to answer at a forthcoming 8-minute TEDx talk. In seeking to answer the question, he argues that we may actually have too much democracy, in the sense that recent years have seen the creation of a kind of damaging “hyper democracy” – defined as being individualised, neo-liberal in character, and consumerist in character. He argues that instead, we should aim for a deeper and more meaningful kind of politics

The UK’s referendum and post-fact politics: how can campaigners be held accountable for their claims?

Both sides of the UK’s EU referendum campaign were criticised for presenting misleading information to the public. Alan Renwick, Matthew Flinders and Will Jennings write that the referendum highlighted the inability of the British political system to enforce standards of factual accuracy in how politicians campaign. They argue that while legal or regulatory changes could alter this picture to some extent, the real issue is a cultural one

Devolution revolution? Assessing central-local relationships in England's devolution deals

Much recent debate has been generated by the priorities of the newly-elected metro-mayors and their implications for the sub-national governance of England. But the broader question is: will they lead to longer-term change in relationships between central and local government? Mark Sandford, Sarah Ayres, and Matthew Flinders argue that, although not radical, England’s devolution deals may contain the seeds od change

The Labour Government, the Treasury and the £6 pay policy of July 1975

The 1974-79 Labour Government was elected in a climate of opinion that was fiercely opposed to government intervention in the wage determination process, and was committed to the principles of free collective bargaining in its manifestoes. However, by December 1974 the Treasury was advocating a formal incomes policy, and by July 1975 the government had introduced a £6 flat rate pay norm. With reference to archival sources, the paper demonstrates that TUC and Labour Party opposition to incomes policy was reconciled with the Treasury's advocacy by limiting the Bank of England‟s intervention in the foreign exchange market when sterling came under pressure. This both helped to achieve the Treasury's objective of improving the competitiveness of British industry, and acted as a catalyst for the introduction of incomes policy because the slide could be attributed to a lack of market confidence in British counter-inflation policy