The liminality of training spaces: Places of private/public transitions

This paper draws upon research, conducted for the London West Learning and Skills Council, on the training experiences of women with dependent children. One of the striking revelations of the research, we suggest, is the way in which training spaces are used and perceived by women, which are often at odds with government intentions. To help make sense of women’s use of and motivation for training we utilise the concept of ‘liminality’ and the private/public imbrication to explain the ways in which women use, or are discouraged from using, training spaces. Further, how the varied and multiple uses women in our research have put training to in their own lives has encouraged us to rethink the relationship between the private and the public more generally. In the light of this, we suggest that training and the places in which training take place, have been neglected processes and spaces within feminist geography and might usefully be explored further to add to an extensive literature on women’s caring and domestic roles and their role in the paid workplace

Smoke and Mirrors: U.K. Newspaper Representations of Intimate Partner Domestic Violence

This is a pre-copyedited, author-produced pdf of an article accepted for publication in Violence Against Women following peer review. The final, definitive version of this paper has been published in Violence Against Women, Vol 23 (1): 114-139, first published April 2016 by SAGE Publishing, and is available on line at doi: 10.1177/1077801216634468. All rights reserved.News media are in a position to project certain perspectives on domestic violence while marginalizing others, which has implications for public understanding and policy development. This study applies discourse analysis to articles on domestic violence in two U.K. national daily newspapers published in 2001-2002 and 2011-2012 to evaluate evidence of change over a 10-year time span. The research examines how discourses of domestic violence are constructed through newspaper representations of victims, predominantly women, and perpetrators, predominantly men. Although one of the newspapers adopts a respectful position toward women, the textual and visual techniques adopted by the other reveal a tendency for blaming the victim and sexualizing violence related to perceptions of “deserving” or “undeserving” women victims.Peer reviewe

Disability, special educational needs, class, capitals and segregation in schooling: a population geography perspective

This paper investigates the spatially variable schooling of young people with Special Educational Needs and Disability (SEND), and interconnections with class and capitals, using analysis of the School Census, and interviews with 64 educational professionals and parents in three areas in Southeast England. Three key original findings emerge. First, high proportions of young people with SEND come from poor backgrounds; however, most young people with SEND labels are not poor. Second, social class, capitals, and SEND intersect in ways which relatively advantage young people from more affluent and educated families, who gain access to specific labels and what is locally considered the ‘best’ education. Third, we conceptualise school spaces as differently ‘bounded’ or ‘connected’, providing different opportunities to develop meaningful relationships and qualifications, or social and cultural capital, rather than focus on the type of school (‘special’, separate schools for students with SEND; or ‘mainstream’ local schools). What are locally considered to be ‘the best’ school spaces are connected and porous, providing opportunities to develop social and cultural capital. Other school spaces are containers of both SEND and poverty, with limited opportunities to acquire social and cultural capitals. Overall, we suggest that the intersecting experience of SEND, class and capitals can (re)produce socio-economic inequalities through school spaces

Finding purpose through altruism: The potential of ‘doing for others’ during asylum

Refugees are increasingly acknowledged as facing significant occupational injustice, and they experience multiple barriers to finding meaningful occupational opportunities. Occupation has enormous potential for enhancing the post migratory experience, but choice of occupation is important. People strive to move beyond simply ‘keeping busy’ to find occupations of real meaning that meet personal and cultural needs. This paper reports selected findings from a phenomenological study exploring the occupational experiences of people seeking asylum in the United Kingdom. Data were gathered through a series of in-depth interviews with 10 participants. The findings reveal that participants held a preference for altruistic occupations, where altruism is the principle or practice of doing for others, which was expressed through, or a motivation for, a range of occupations. These occupational choices were prompted by kinship, empathy, learned behaviour and moral principles. The occupations appeared to promote connectivity, positive sense of self and a connection between past and present occupations, called here ‘occupational constancy’. In seeking occupations rich with meaning and purpose, the drive to ‘do for others’ might provide individuals with opportunities to live well in the here and now, and rise above the hardship and marginalisation of asylum and forced migration. In conclusion, I assert that doing of others can be particularly meaningful, and may provide opportunities for personal, social and cultural rewards

Torture and the UK’s “war on asylum”: medical power and the culture of disbelief

When the now ‘iconic’ images of shackled, humiliated and dehumanised detainees in the Abu Ghraib prison complex in Iraq were broadcast globally, in the mid-2000s, the relationship between medical power and torture in the “war on terror” was also thrust sharply into focus. Graphic images of coalition troops photographing and posing in front of hooded, naked prisoners forced into a “human pyramid”, and of people made to wear animal collars, indicated a regime in which degradation had a defining role. The photograph of a soldier gloating over the corpse of a man who had died as a result of torture was just one picture of a network of interrogation camps in which detention by coalition forces could be fatal. Yet if there were any expectations that the presence of medical personnel may have checked this violence, these were shattered by the fact that clinicians – in some cases at least – were integral to its practice. «It is now beyond doubt that Armed Forces physicians, psychologists, and medics were active and passive partners in the systematic neglect and abuse of war on terror prisoners», wrote Steven Miles in 2009 (Miles 2009, X). And as he continued, this involved providing interrogators «with medical information to use in setting the nature and degree of physical and psychological abuse during interrogations». It involved monitoring «interrogations to devise ways to break prisoners down or to keep them alive». It involved pathologists holding back death certificates and autopsy reports in order to minimise the number of fatalities or cover up torture-related deaths as deaths by natural causes (Ibid). Procedures including «cramped confinement, dietary manipulation, sleep deprivation, and waterboarding» were among the practices that were «at times (…) legally sanctioned due to medical supervision» in the context of the “war on terror”, according to Hoffman (2011, 1535). He continued to suggest that doctors are not just important to «modern torture methods», they are «irreplaceable». In this context, the “war on terror” is no aberration. As the revolutionary psychoanalyst and philosopher Frantz Fanon documented in 1959, for example, certain medical practitioners had an integral role in the military occupation of Algeria, and «There are, for instance, psychiatrists … known to numerous prisoners», he suggested, «who have given electric shock treatments to the accused and have questioned them during the waking phase, which is characterized by a certain confusion, a relaxation of resistance, a disappearance of the person's defences.» (Fanon 1959/1965, 138). Indeed, in his analysis of the Algerian revolution, he discussed how resistance to and struggles over the meanings of medical power were integral to the revolution itself. However, while the role of medical power in the practice of torture has been subjected to sustained critique in the context of the “war on terror”, what follows examines the relationship between medical power and torture in the context of what has been depicted – metaphorically – as another (although to some extents related) “war”: the “war” on asylum. According to the UNHCR (2017, 3), between 5 and 35 per cent of those asylum seekers who have been granted refugee status have survived torture. And focusing on the UK as a case study, this chapter examines the institutional and legal structures prohibiting torture and inhuman and degrading treatment, particularly as they apply to those subject to immigration control in this context. But further, it also examines the ideological and political conditions within which claims by those seeking asylum that they have been subjected to torture prior to arrival can be (and have been) ignored, downplayed and denied. It examines how medical expertise has frequently been undermined in the asylum process when this expertise is utilised to add weight to asylum seekers’ claims to have experienced torture. It examines how there have been attempts to narrow the definition of torture in ways which exclude people from the protections to which torture survivors are entitled. But it also explores the ways in which segments of the medical profession have been complicit in riding roughshod over existing safeguards to prevent further harm to those who have experienced torture, thus potentially compounding its effects. In particular, it examines claims that in certain contexts clinicians have administered dangerous “care” in order to ensure the removal of people from the UK, despite them claiming that they – or their family members – face serious harm and persecution on arrival as a result of this. In a historical discussion of medical involvement in torture, Giovanni Maio (2001, 1609) has noted that from its earliest incarnations one of the features of torture has been its use as an «oppressive instrument used in the preservation of power». Furthermore, whilst methods of torture have certainly «developed», and continue to do so, he argues, this «function» of torture is «especially relevant today». This chapter argues that the (mis)treatment of those in the UK who say they have been tortured, preserves and is bound up with a particular manifestation of state power: the aims, rationale and dictates of immigration control. Its claims are perhaps much more mundane than the forms of direct medical complicity in torture alluded to above. But they are nonetheless important. For it is argued that the acts of omission and commission documented in this chapter expose the tensions between the rights of certain “categories” of migrants to be afforded adequate clinical care on the one hand, and the goals and aims of immigration control itself on the other. This poses profound questions about the functions of clinical care and the ethical duties, responsibilities and obligations of clinicians, it is suggested. But as this chapter also crucially explores, this is a form of power that many within the medical profession have historically challenged, and continue to do so

Dissidents and God-Talk in the Johannine Epistles

Peer reviewe

The Geographies of Disability: Reflections on the Development of a Sub-Discipline

Geographers’ interest in the subject of disability has traditionally been confined to particular parts of the discipline, and usually been of marginal interest to most academics. This has mirrored a broader antipathy to the study of disability in the social sciences although, in recent years, geographical scholarship about space, place, and disability has proliferated. In this review paper, we outline and assess the significance of this trend, and we comment on the importance of theoretical and methodological developments in the sub-discipline. In doing so, we anticipate the ways in which studies of geography and disability are likely to evolve

Detection of SARS-CoV-2 RNA in the Danube river in Serbia associated with the discharge of untreated wastewaters

In Serbia less than 13 % of collected municipal wastewaters is being treated before their release in the environment. This includes all municipal wastewater discharges from Belgrade (capital city of Serbia; population 1,700,000). Previous research has identified the impacts of raw wastewater discharges from Belgrade on the Danube River, and this study investigated if such discharges also provided a pathway for SARS-CoV-2 RNA material. Samples were collected during the most critical circumstances that occurred so far within the COVID-19 pandemics in Serbia. Grab and composite samples were collected in December 2020, during the peak of the third wave (in terms of reported cases) at the site which receives the wastewater loads in Belgrade. Grab samples collected upstream and downstream of Belgrade were also analyzed. RNA was quantified using RT-qPCR with primer sets targeting nucleocapsid (N1 and N2) and envelope (E) protein genes. SARS-CoV-2 RNA (5.97×103 to 1.32×104 copies/L) was detected only in samples collected at the site strongly impacted by the wastewaters where all three applied primer sets gave positive signals. Determined concentrations correspond to those reported in wastewater influents sampled at treatment plants in other countries indicating an epidemiological indicator function of used approach for rivers with high pollution loads in countries with poor wastewater treatment

Journalistic transgressions in the representation of Jeremy Corbyn: From watchdog to attackdog

This research critically assesses the press coverage of Jeremy Corbyn during his leadership bid and subsequent first months as the leader of the United Kingdom’s Labour Party. A content analysis (n = 812) found that the British press offered a distorted and overly antagonistic view of the long-serving MP. Corbyn is often denied a voice and news organisations tended to prize anti-Corbyn sources over favourable ones. Much of the coverage is decidedly scornful and ridicules the leader of the opposition. This analysis also tests a set of normative conceptions of the media in a democracy. In view of this, our research contends that the British press acted more as an attackdog than a watchdog when it comes to the reporting of Corbyn. We conclude that the transgression from traditional monitorial practices to snarling attacks is unhealthy for democracy, and it furthermore raises serious ethical questions for UK journalism and its role in society