The Impact of Welfare Programs on Poverty Rates: Evidence from the American States

There is spirited debate between those who maintain that public assistance to the poor decreases poverty by raising their incomes (an income enhancement effect) and those who contend that welfare increases poverty by discouraging the poor from working (a work disincentive effect). Extant studies have been inconclusive because they have focused on the effect of welfare benefits on the poverty rate, but have not employed designs that allow researchers to sort out distinct income enhancement and work disincentive effects. We develop a model of poverty rates in the American states that permits estimation of these distinct effects ñ based on state-level time-series data observed annually for the years 1960-90 - and we find that welfare had both effects during our period of analysis. We also calculate the net impact on the poverty rate of an increase in welfare benefits (taking into account both income enhancement and work disincentives), and we conclude that it has varied across states and time. In general, however, the ability of marginal increases in welfare spending to reduce the poverty rate by enhancing incomes has declined since the 1970s

Distributing Discipline: Race, Politics, and Punishment at the Frontlines of Welfare Reform

Numerous studies have confirmed that race plays an important role in shaping public preferences toward both redistribution and punishment. Likewise, studies suggest that punitive policy tools tend to be adopted by state governments in a pattern that tracks with the racial composition of state populations. Such evidence testifies to the enduring power of race in American politics, yet it has limited value for understanding how disciplinary policies get applied to individuals in implementation settings. To illuminate the relationship between race and the application of punitive policy tools, we analyze sanction patterns in the TANF program. Drawing on a model of racial classification and policy choice, we test four hypotheses regarding client race and sanctioning. Our study does not support a simple story in which racial minorities are always more likely to be targeted for discipline. Rather, we find the impact of race to be contingent on local politics, administrative decentralization, and other client characteristics

The Organization of Discipline: From Performance Management to Perversity and Punishment

Over the past few decades, poverty governance in the United States has been transformed by the convergence of two powerful reform movements. The first, often referred to as “paternalist,” has shifted poverty governance from an emphasis on rights and opportunities to a stance that is more directive and supervisory in promoting preferred behaviors among the poor. The second, often described as “neoliberal,” has shifted governance away from federal government control toward a system that emphasizes policy devolution, privatization, and performance competition. During this period, public officials have proved remarkably willing to hand policy control over to lower jurisdictions and private providers. They have been equally eager to use public policies in ways that overtly promote values, enforce obligations, and curtail deviance among the poor. In the era of neoliberal paternalism, poverty governance has become more dispersed in its organization, more muscular in its normative enforcement, and more firmly rooted in the logics of performance-based accountability and market competition

Devolution, Discretion, and Local Variation in TANF Sanctioning

No abstract

Race and the Local Politics of Punishment in the New World of Welfare

To illuminate how race affects the usage of punitive tools in policy implementation settings, we analyze sanctions imposed for noncompliant client behavior under welfare reform. Drawing on a model of racial classification and policy choice, we test four hypotheses regarding client race, local context, and sanctioning. Based on longitudinal and cross-sectional multilevel analyses of individual-level administrative data, we find that race plays a significant role in shaping sanction implementation. Its effects, however, are highly contingent on client characteristics, local political contexts, and the degree to which state governments devolve policy control to local officials

Devolution, Discretion, and the Effect of Local Political Values on TANF Sanctioning

One of welfare reform\u27s most significant consequences is the devolution of policy-making authority from the federal government and states to local governments and frontline workers. What is perhaps less often appreciated is that devolution of authority to state governments has been accompanied by a significant decentralization of policy-making authority within states. As a result, prior research has not given sufficient attention to local political context as a factor shaping program implementation. This article examines the effect of local political values on the use of sanctions to penalize welfare recipients. Analyzing administrative data from the Florida Department of Children and Families for over 60,000 welfare clients, we find that there is a statistically significant amount of local variation in sanctioning rates across the state of Florida, even after controlling welfare clients\u27 characteristics. Local sanctioning patterns are systematically related to selected characteristics of local communities, including their ideological orientations

Devolution, Discretion, and the Effect of Local Political Values on TANF Sanctioning

One of welfare reform\u27s most significant consequences is the devolution of policy-making authority from the federal government and states to local governments and frontline workers. What is perhaps less often appreciated is that devolution of authority to state governments has been accompanied by a significant decentralization of policy-making authority within states. As a result, prior research has not given sufficient attention to local political context as a factor shaping program implementation. This article examines the effect of local political values on the use of sanctions to penalize welfare recipients. Analyzing administrative data from the Florida Department of Children and Families for over 60,000 welfare clients, we find that there is a statistically significant amount of local variation in sanctioning rates across the state of Florida, even after controlling welfare clients\u27 characteristics. Local sanctioning patterns are systematically related to selected characteristics of local communities, including their ideological orientations

Deliberative protests? Persuading politicians not to close schools in Swedish municipalities

Studies on the political impact of protest mobilization sometimes show that disruptive protests help social movements achieve their goals. This is conventionally explained by politicians’ interests in re-elections and social control, ultimately neglecting alternative arguments such as the drive for better policy solutions. This study investigates if well-reasoned arguments – measured by the deliberative quality of protest letters against school closures – persuade Swedish municipal decision-makers more than simple outcries. Analysis demonstrates support for this argument, as schools defended by protest letters with a higher deliberative quality have higher probability to remain open than schools defended by letters of a lower deliberative quality. However, a fundamental paradox rises from the second conclusion: intrinsically non-deliberate forms of protests, such as demonstrations, have a stronger negative effect on the likelihood of school closures. Hence, well-reasoned communicative practices have some power of persuasion, but experienced activists may prefer disruptive protests for more political leverage.<br><br>Los estudios sobre el impacto político de la movilización de protesta muestran que a veces las protestas disruptivas ayudan a los movimientos sociales a alcanzar sus objetivos. Esto se explica convencionalmente por los intereses de los políticos en la reelección y el control social, dejando de lado en última instancia argumentos alternativos tales como la búsqueda de mejores soluciones en términos de mejores políticas. Este artículo investiga si los argumentos bien razonados - medidos por la calidad deliberativa de cartas de protesta contra el cierre de las escuelas - persuaden más que los simples gritos a los responsables municipales en Suecia. El análisis apoya este argumento puesto que las escuelas defendidas por cartas de protesta con una calidad superior de deliberación tienen una mayor probabilidad de permanecer abiertas que las escuelas defendidas por cartas de una calidad deliberativa inferior. Sin embargo, surge una paradoja fundamental a partir de la segunda conclusión: las formas intrínsecamente no deliberadas de protestas, como las manifestaciones, tienen un efecto negativo más fuerte sobre la probabilidad de cierre de las escuelas. Por lo tanto, las prácticas comunicativas bien razonadas tienen cierto poder de persuasión, pero los activistas experimentados pueden preferir protestas disruptivas como medio para obtener más influencia política

Social-Ecological Correlates of Social Well-Being in Transgender and Gender Diverse Adults in the USA: Implications for Policy, Theory, and Research

Introduction: Emerging transgender and gender diverse (TGD) health models focus on social well-being. The present study contributes to this movement through investigation of hate crime statutes, state-level political and anti-TGD attitudes, and multiple marginalized identities as correlates of social well-being (i.e., outness, community connection, and workplace and familial support). Methods: The current study merged data from three sources: (a) the 2015 United States Transgender Survey (USTS), (b) the 2014 and 2018 Cooperative Congressional Election Studies (CCES), and (c) the 2018 Anti-Defamation League’s (ADL) Hate Crime Map. Bivariate (e.g., chi-square) and regression analyses were used to identify correlates of social well-being among TGD adults in the USA. Results: All types of hate crime laws showed bivariate protective associations for outness and family support. Regression models showed that several marginalized identities (e.g., having a disability) were the most consistent and largest correlates of social well-being. Higher state-level anti-TGD attitudes were linked with lower familial support and outness. The presence of state-level hate crime law civil action and police training statutes was positively associated with outness. Conclusions: The results extend the limited research on correlates of TGD social well-being. Findings support TGD health models addressing resilience and social safety. Future research should address hate crime law policy analysis, police training evaluation, and prospective testing of TGD social well-being. Policy Implications: Hate crime laws, in particular civil action and police training statutes, may be associated with better outcomes for transgender and gender diverse (TGD) persons. Evaluation of hate crime law effectiveness may need to focus on implementation as opposed to mere presence of laws. Policies specific to police training should include guidelines for training content and rigorous evaluation

Jim Crow 2.0?: Why States Consider and Adopt Restrictive Voter Access Policies

In recent years there has been a dramatic increase in state legislation likely to reduce access for some voters, including photo identification and proof of citizenship requirements, registration restrictions, absentee ballot voting restrictions, and reductions in early voting. Political operatives often ascribe malicious motives when their opponents either endorse or oppose such legislation. In an effort to bring empirical clarity and epistemological standards to what has been a deeply charged, partisan and frequently anecdotal debate, this paper uses multiple specialized regression approaches to examine factors associated with both the proposal and adoption of restrictive voter access legislation from 2006-11. Our results indicate that proposal and passage are highly partisan, strategic, and racialized affairs. These findings are consistent with a scenario in which the targeted demobilization of minority voters and African Americans is a central driver of recent legislative developments. We discuss the implications of these results for current partisan and legal debates regarding voter restrictions and our understanding of the conditions incentivizing modern suppression efforts. Further, we situate these policies within developments in social welfare and criminal justice policy that collectively reduce electoral access among the socially marginalized