ターンブラリンガ ノ ハッテン ト 13セイキ トウナン アジア ノ コマーシャル ブーム

The state of Tambralinga (Danmaling), located around Nakhon Sithammarat in the central Malay peninsula, grew enormously during the 13th century. It is first mentioned in the Daoyizazhi (1270s) as having broughttribute to the Southern Song in 1196. During the reign of Candrabanu (Chaiya inscription of 1230) it advanced into Sri Lanka (1247-62), placing the northern part of the island under its rule, and also fought with the king of Pandya in southern India. According to the Dadenanhaizhi (1304), Danmaling was one of the leading powers of Southeast Asiaalong with Zhancheng (Champa), Zhenla (Khmer) and Shepo (Java), and theentire Malay peninsula fell within itssphere of influence. But Tambralinga\u27s growth did not continue for long, and as Malayu, backed by Java, advanced from the south and the newly emerging state of Xian (or maritime Siam) advanced from the north, it fell intooblivion in the course of theensuing conflict. By the second half of the 14th century, Java (Majapahit) too had recognized Nakhon Sithammarat as belonging to Siam. In accounts of Southeast Asianhistory, Java, Cambodia, Burmaand the Straits of Malacca (especially Srivijaya in the 7th to 8th centuries and Melaka in the 15th century) often play the leading roles, whereas the central Malay peninsula occupies only a secondary position. But in the 13th century Tambralinga was one of the leading players, and its military advance into Sri Lanka was a rareexample of an advance across the sea to anotherregion by a Southeast Asian power. What brought aboutthis enormous growth experienced by Tambralinga? M. Jacq-Hergoualc\u27h, inhis recent opus on the ancient and medieval history of the Malay peninsula (2002: 391-441), attributes itto the commercial boom of the 12th and 13th centuries. It is necessary to examine this commercial boom in greater detail, for judging from the discoveries of trade ceramics it was a phenomenonnot confined to the central Malay peninsula, but also to be observed widely throughout insular Southeast Asia. This raises the question of why this commercial boom should have benefited the central Malay peninsula in particular. Behind the rise of Tambralinga, beside theexpanding influence of China, was an increase in Southeast Asia\u27s own economic importance, accompanied by growing ties with Sri Lankaby way of Theravada Buddhism and the Pali language. Another factor may have been changes in the role of the Straits of Malacca. Whereas their former function as a centre of trade and maritime traffic had allowed the old piracy-based Sanfoqi to thrive, as described in the Lingwaidaida and Zhufanzhi, since the decline of Sanfoqi the Straits had become no more than a maritime passageway, opening the way for the rise of a different kind of state on the peninsula

The Indonesian Word \u27Kapur\u27(果布) in the Chinese Texts Shiji(史記) and Hanshu(漢書)

As early as the 2nd century BCE, the name of kapur barus (camphor), a product of the tropical rainforest of insular Southeast Asia, had become established as a rare international trading item and was being mentioned in Chinese texts in its Chinese transliteration of guobu. We can also assert with confidence that, by the early years of the 1st century CE, the island of Pisang, an important navigational point on the sea-route through the strategic Malacca Strait, was being referred to in Chinese texts in its Chinese rendering of pizong. The fact that the earliest Indonesian words to be mentioned in Chinese texts are kapur and pisang is no mere coincidence. Rather, it illustrates the crucial role played by the Malacca Strait region - or, to put it differently, the Indonesia-Malaysia region - in East-West oceanic trading and transportation. As well as furnishing the products that would feature as the trading commodities of East-West exchange, this region also played an essential role in providing the route that made such trading activities possible. An examination of the Indonesian word kapur barus has revealed that the Malacca Strait region had already begun to play such a dual role in East-West oceanic trade by at least the 2nd century BCE

Hundian and Suwu : A Fresh Look at the Emergence of Funan

扶南建国説話の主人公混填がインド出身であるとの説を否定しさることは難しいとしても, その出身地を東南アジアとみる説の蓋然性が高いということができる。また蘇物のインド往来のありさまによって, 3世紀はじめころの扶南はインドとの関係が希薄であったことがわかる。とすれば, 扶南という東南アジアにおける初期国家の形成, およびこれが3世紀当時東南アジア交易ネットワークの中心に位置したことは, インドの直接的な影響によるのではなく, 東南アジア自体における何らかの動きの結果によるものと考えるべきである。すなわちインド文明との接触の結果として東南アジアに国家が形成されたという意味での「インド化」論は根拠をもたないのである

The Rise of Tambralinga and the Southeast Asian Commercial Boom in the Thirteenth Century

The state of Tambralinga (Danmaling), located around Nakhon Sithammaratin the central Malay Peninsula, grew enormously during the 13th century. Itis first mentioned in the Daoyizazhi (1270s) as having brought tribute to theSouthern Song in 1196. During the reign of Candrabanu (Chaiya inscription of1230) it advanced into Sri Lanka (1247_62), placing the northern part of theisland under its rule, and also fought with the king of Pandya in southern India.According to the Dadenanhaizhi (1304), Danmaling was one of the leadingpowers of Southeast Asia along with Zhancheng (Champa), Zhenla (Khmer)and Shepo ( Java), and the entire Malay Peninsula fell within its sphere of influence.But Tambralinga\u27s growth did not continue for long, and as Malayu,backed by Java, advanced from the south and the newly emerging state of Xian(or maritime Siam) advanced from the north, it fell into oblivion in the courseof the ensuing conflict. By the second half of the 14th century, Java(Majapahit) too had recognized Nakhon Sithammarat as belonging to Siam.In accounts of Southeast Asian history, Java, Cambodia, Burma and theStraits of Malacca (especially Srivijaya in the 7th to 8th centuries and Melakain the 15th century) often play the leading roles, whereas the central MalayPeninsula occupies only a secondary position. But in the 13th centuryTambralinga was one of the leading players, and its military advance into SriLanka was a rare example of an advance across the sea to another region bya Southeast Asian power.What brought about this enormous growth experienced by Tambralinga ? M.Jacq-Hergoualc\u27h, in his recent opus on the ancient and medieval history ofthe Malay Peninsula (2002: 391_441), attributes it to the commercial boom ofthe 12th and 13th centuries. It is necessary to examine this commercial boomin greater detail, for judging from the discoveries of trade ceramics it was aphenomenon not confined to the central Malay Peninsula, but also to be observedwidely throughout insular Southeast Asia. This raises the question ofwhy this commercial boom should have benefited the central Malay Peninsulain particular.Behind the rise of Tambralinga, beside the expanding influence of China,was an increase in Southeast Asia\u27s own economic importance, accompaniedby growing ties with Sri Lanka by way of Theravada Buddhism and the Palilanguage. Another factor may have been changes in the role of the Straits ofMalacca. Whereas their former function as a centre of trade and maritime traffichad allowed the old piracy-based Sanfoqi to thrive, as described in theLingwaidaida and Zhufanzhi, since the decline of Sanfoqi the Straits had becomeno more than a maritime passageway, opening the way for the rise of adifferent kind of state on the Malay Peninsula

マタラム ノ ケンコク ネンジ ニツイテ ババッド タナ ジャウィ ト イウ ブンガク ト レキシ ノ ハザマ デ

The kingdom of Mataram emerged in Central Java in the latter part of the 16th century, and in the following century became one of the leading powers of Southeast Asia. There is a divergence among scholars regarding the date of this kingdom\u27s founding. The present article examines the background to this scholarly debate, and also, on the basis of current research, proposes the year 1578 as the most likely date. The origins of the divergence lie in the nature of the text upon which historians have relied, namely the Javanese chronicle Babad Tanah Jawi (History of the Land of Java). The chronicle was first compiled in the 18th_19th century as a paean justifying the rule of the present king and of the king\u27s ruling house, and presented to the king. The quandary for historical researchers has been whether this document should be read as literature or as history. The present article focuses on an issue that arises when the chronicle is understood as a historical text : namely, whether the establishment of the kingdom should be dated to the year when Pamanahan became the lord of Mataram as a vassal of Pajang, or to the year when Pamanahan\u27s son Senopati became ruler of Java in place of the king of Pajang. I argue that the former is the more appropriate, and that, among the various dates that have been suggested, 1578 is the most likely date for the kingdom\u27s founding