Hyper-Raman scattering analysis of the vibrations in vitreous boron oxide

Hyper-Raman scattering has been measured on vitreous boron oxide, $v-$B$_2$O$_3$. This spectroscopy, complemented with Raman scattering and infrared absorption, reveals the full set of vibrations that can be observed with light. A mode analysis is performed based on the local D$_{3h}$ symmetry of BO$_3$ triangles and B$_3$O$_3$ boroxol rings. The results show that in $v-$B$_2$O$_3$ the main spectral components can be succesfully assigned using this relatively simple model. In particular, it can be shown that the hyper-Raman boson peak arises from external modes that correspond mainly to librational motions of rigid boroxol rings.Comment: 13 pages, 11 figures, 2 table

Cliophysics: Socio-political Reliability Theory, Polity Duration and African Political (In)stabilities

Quantification of historical sociological processes have recently gained attention among theoreticians in the effort of providing a solid theoretical understanding of the behaviors and regularities present in sociopolitical dynamics. Here we present a reliability theory of polity processes with emphases on individual political dynamics of African countries. We found that the structural properties of polity failure rates successfully capture the risk of political vulnerability and instabilities in which 87.50%, 75%, 71.43%, and 0% of the countries with monotonically increasing, unimodal, U-shaped and monotonically decreasing polity failure rates, respectively, have high level of state fragility indices. The quasi-U-shape relationship between average polity duration and regime types corroborates historical precedents and explains the stability of the autocracies and democracies.Comment: 4 pages, 3 figures, 1 tabl

Political opportunity structures, democracy, and civil war

Theories of mobilization suggest that groups are more likely to resort to violence in the presence of political opportunity structures that afford greater prospects for extracting concessions from the government or better opportunities to topple ruling governments. However, existing efforts to consider the possible influences of political opportunity structures on incentives for violence and civil war empirically have almost invariably relied upon measures of democracy to proxy for the hypothesized mechanisms, most notably the argument that the opposing effects of political accommodation and repression will give rise to an inverted U-shaped relationship between democracy and the risk of civil war. The authors detail a number of problems with measures of democracy as proxies for political opportunity structures and develop alternative measures based on the likely risks that political leaders will lose power in irregular challenges and their implications for the incentives for resort to violence. The authors evaluate empirically how the security with which leaders hold office influences the prospects of violent civil conflict. The findings indicate that recent irregular leader entry and transitions indeed increase the risk of conflict onset, while democratic institutions are found to decrease the risk of civil war, after controlling for the new measures of state weakness. </jats:p

When the going gets tough, the tough get going: Social identification and individual effort in intergroup competition.

Based on social identity theory, the authors predicted that in ongoing intergroup competition, people’s strength of social identification will have a positive impact on their behavioral efforts on behalf of an ingroup when its current status is low, whereas this will not be the case when its current status is high. In a first experiment, male participants showed the expected pattern of behavior. Female participants, however, tended to display opposite reactions. As a possible explanation, it was argued that the experimental procedure may have inadvertently evoked a gender-based stereotype threat for female participants. In an attempt to obtain more consistent support for their hypothesis, the authors therefore replicated the experiment with modifications to avoid such a threat. These changes proved to be effective in the sense that this time the predicted interaction effect between ingroup identification and current group status was obtained for both male and female participants

Economic Backwardness and Social Tension

We propose that relative economic backwardness contributes to the build-up of social tension and non-violent and violent conflict. We test our hypothesis using data on organized mass movements and armed civil conflict. The findings show that greater economic backwardness is consistently linked to a higher probability of onset of violent and especially non-violent forms of civil unrest. We provide evidence that the relationship is causal in instrumental variables estimations using new instruments, including mailing speeds and telegram charges around 1900. The magnitude of the effect of backwardness on social tension increases in the two-stage least-squares estimations

Fungal entomopathogens: new insights on their ecology

An important mechanism for insect pest control should be the use of fungal entomopathogens. Even though these organisms have been studied for more than 100 y, their effective use in the field remains elusive. Recently, however, it has been discovered that many of these entomopathogenic fungi play additional roles in nature. They are endophytes, antagonists of plant pathogens, associates with the rhizosphere, and possibly even plant growth promoting agents. These findings indicate that the ecological role of these fungi in the environment is not fully understood and limits our ability to employ them successfully for pest management. In this paper, we review the recently discovered roles played by many entomopathogenic fungi and propose new research strategies focused on alternate uses for these fungi. It seems likely that these agents can be used in multiple roles in protecting plants from pests and diseases and at the same time promoting plant growth

Group cognitive behavioural therapy for stroke survivors with depression and their carers

Background: Depression in stroke survivors is common, leads to poorer outcomes and often not treated. A group cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) program (Brainstorm) for stroke survivors with depression, and their carers has been running as part of usual care since 2007. Objective: To evaluate the implementation and acceptability of Brainstorm, a closed group intervention consisting of up to 10 sessions of education, activity planning, problem solving and thought challenging. Methods: Participating stroke survivors and their carers complete assessment measures at baseline, post-treatment and 1-month and 6-months follow-up. A mixed models for repeated measures data was conducted with depression and anxiety scores for stroke survivors (Beck Depression Inventory-II; Hospital Anxiety and Depression Scale) and the assessment of depression, anxiety and carer burden for carers. Acceptability was assessed by session attendance and written and open participant feedback upon completion of the program. Results: Forty-eight community dwelling stroke survivors and 34 carers attended Brainstorm, with a median attendance of 88% of sessions. Follow-up assessments were completed by 77% (post-treatment), 46% (1-month) and 38% (6-month) of stroke survivors. Stroke survivors’ depression scores decreased from baseline to post-treatment (p<.001); maintained at 1-month (p<.001) but not at 6-month (p=.056). Anxiety scores decreased between baseline and 1-month (p=.013). Carer burden, depression and anxiety scores at 1-month and 6-month follow-up, for carers, were all reduced when compared with baseline (p<.05). Conclusion: The Brainstorm group intervention for depression in stroke survivors appears to have been effectively implemented and is acceptable to stroke survivors and carers

The Diffusion of Inclusion: An Open Polity Model of Ethnic Power Sharing

While there is a growing consensus that ethnic inclusion produces peace, less is known about what causes transitions to power sharing between ethnic groups in central governments in multiethnic states. The few studies that have addressed this question have proposed explanations stressing exclusively domestic factors. Yet, power sharing is spatially clustered, which suggests that diffusion may be at play. Inspired by studies of democratic diffusion, we study the spread of inclusive policies with an “open polity model” that explicitly traces diffusion from inclusion in other states. Our findings indicate that the relevant diffusion processes operate primarily at the level of world regions rather than globally or between territorial neighbors. Thus, the more inclusive the region, the more likely a shift to power sharing becomes. Shifts away from inclusion to dominance are less common since World War II, but they are more likely in regional settings characterized by ethnic exclusion

It Takes Two

Theories of conflict emphasize dyadic interaction, yet existing empirical studies of civil war focus largely on state attributes and pay little attention to nonstate antagonists. We recast civil war in a dyadic perspective, and consider how nonstate actor attributes and their relationship to the state influence conflict dynamics. We argue that strong rebels, who pose a military challenge to the government, are likely to lead to short wars and concessions. Conflicts where rebels seem weak can become prolonged if rebels can operate in the periphery so as to defy a government victory yet are not strong enough to extract concessions. Conflicts should be shorter when potential insurgents can rely on alternative political means to violence. We examine these hypotheses in a dyadic analysis of civil war duration and outcomes, using new data on nonstate actors and conflict attributes, finding support for many of our conjectures. </jats:p