‘Accipiant Qui Vocati Sunt’: Richard Fleming’s Reform Sermon at the Council of Constance

On Passion Sunday in 1417 (28 March) a sermon known by its scriptural theme as ‘Accipiant qui vocati sunt’ was delivered at the general council of the Church then assembled in the south German city of Constance. Three centuries later it was edited by Hermann von der Hardt who characterised ‘Accipiant’ as ‘by far the most severe sermon in which the enormous crimes of prelates—especially love of money, ambition, luxury and ignorance—are revealed with the greatest liberty and are vehemently reproached, so that it is a wonder that the council heard it patiently’. In an earlier publication containing excerpts from this sermon, Hardt had described it in similar terms as being ‘not unlike a burning furnace in terms of its fiery passion and its vehement attack on the vices of the clergy’. More recently Heinrich Finke clearly agreed with these appraisals in describing ‘Accipiant’ as a ‘scharfe Reformpredigt’, for he did not bestow such adjectival emphasis on any other reform sermon listed in his register of the Constance sermons. Paul Arendt, a student of Finke’s and the author of the only monograph devoted to the many surviving sermons from Constance, repeatedly commented on the severity of ‘Accipiant’, especially in his long chapter on ‘das Hauptthema unserer Prediger: Behandlung der Frage der kirchlichen Reform’. Hardt ascribed this sermon to Vitale Valentine OFM, bishop of Toulon. However, as the following analysis will show, it is certain that this ascription was based on conjecture and that another preacher actually delivered the sermon. Hardt’s only source for his edition of ‘Accipiant’ was an Erfurt manuscript which is now in the Schlossbibliothek at Pommersfelden. Because this lacks a rubric or colophon identifying the author of the sermon, Hardt’s attribution must have been inferred from internal evidence. Thus began the long tradition of Vitale Valentine’s authorship of ‘Accipiant’ which has previously been accepted without question by scholars of these conciliar sermons

Citations of \u27noster\u27 John Pecham in Richard Fleming\u27s Trinity Sunday sermon: evidence for the political use of liturgical music at the Council of Constance

This article examines a sermon for Trinity Sunday that was delivered by Richard Fleming at the Council of Constance in 1417. The author argues that Fleming’s citation of liturgical chant and a homily composed by John Pecham, together with certain external evidence, suggests that he was trying to bolster the reputation of the English Church in order to counter attempts to deprive the English delegation of its status as a ‘nation’ within the council. As such, it constitutes an interesting confluence of pulpit oratory, liturgical music, and ecclesiastical politics at this council

The Janus Intertextuality Search Engine: A Research Tool of (and for) the Electronic Manipulus florum Project

This article demonstrates how the search engine developed for this online edition not only serves the research purposes of users of this digital resource, but is also a valuable tool for refining and improving the edition while also aiding the author’s research on the construction of this text. An example of its utility for the edition project is provided which calls into question previous theories regarding the influence John of Wales may have had on this collection of Latin quotations

U.S. Health Care Spending: Comparison with Other OECD Countries

[Excerpt] The United States spends more money on health care than any other country in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). The OECD consists of 30 democracies, most of which are considered the most economically advanced countries in the world. According to OECD data, the United States spent $6,102 per capita on health care in 2004 — more than double the OECD average and 19.9% more than Luxembourg, the second-highest spending country. In 2004, 15.3% of the U.S. economy was devoted to health care, compared with 8.9% in the average OECD country and 11.6% in second-placed Switzerland. Why does the United States spend this amount on health care? Economists break health care spending into two parts: price and quantity (which includes the number of visits to health care providers and the intensity of those visits). In terms of quantity, OECD data indicate that the United States has far fewer doctor visits per person compared with the OECD average; for hospitalizations, the United States ranks well below the OECD and is roughly comparable in terms of length of hospital stays. The intensity of service delivery is a different story: the United States uses more of the newest medical technologies and performs several invasive procedures (such as coronary bypasses and angioplasties) more frequently than the average OECD country. In terms of price, the OECD has stated that there is no doubt that U.S. prices for medical care commodities and services are significantly higher than in other countries and serve as a key determinant of higher overall spending. What does the United States get for the money it spends? Said slightly differently, does the United States get corresponding value from the money it spends on health care? The available data often do not provide clear answers. For example, among OECD countries in 2004, the United States had shorter-than-average life expectancy and higher-than-average mortality rates. Does this mean that the U.S. system is inefficient in light of how much is spent on health care? Or does this reflect the greater prevalence of certain diseases in the United States (the United States has the highest incidence of cancer and AIDS in the OECD) and less healthy lifestyles (the United States has the highest obesity rates in the OECD)? These are some of the issues that confound international comparisons. However, research comparing the quality of care has not found the United States to be superior overall. Nor does the U.S. population have substantially better access to health care resources, even putting aside the issue of the uninsured. Although the United States does not have long wait times for non-emergency surgeries, unlike some OECD countries, Americans found it more difficult to make same-day doctor’s appointments when sick and had the most difficulty getting care on nights and weekends. They were also most likely to delay or forgo treatment because of cost. The OECD data and other research provide some insight as to why health care spending is higher in the United States than in other countries, although many difficult research issues remain. This report presents some of the available data and research and concludes with a summary of study findings

On discretization of C*-algebras

The C*-algebra of bounded operators on the separable infinite-dimensional Hilbert space cannot be mapped to a W*-algebra in such a way that each unital commutative C*-subalgebra C(X) factors normally through $\ell^\infty(X)$. Consequently, there is no faithful functor discretizing C*-algebras to AW*-algebras, including von Neumann algebras, in this way.Comment: 5 pages. Please note that arXiv:1607.03376 supersedes this paper. It significantly strengthens the main results and includes positive results on discretization of C*-algebra

Relationship between Fujikawa's Method and the Background Field Method for the Scale Anomaly

We show the equivalence between Fujikawa's method for calculating the scale anomaly and the diagrammatic approach to calculating the effective potential via the background field method, for an $O(N)$ symmetric scalar field theory. Fujikawa's method leads to a sum of terms, each one superficially in one-to-one correspondence with a vacuum diagram of the 1-loop expansion. From the viewpoint of the classical action, the anomaly results in a breakdown of the Ward identities due to a scale-dependence of the couplings, whereas in terms of the effective action, the anomaly is the result of the breakdown of Noether's theorem due to explicit symmetry breaking terms of the effective potential.Comment: 9 pages (this version is the published version