Estimating Trade Policy Models: An Empirical Study of Protection Policy in Turkey

This paper has two aims. A specific goal is to examine the determinants of protection policy in Turkey. A second, broader goal is to test the recent insights of the political economy models of trade policy and assess their contribution to the empirical investigation of associations between protection rate and industry characteristics. The paper develops a stylized model that captures the key common results of the new political economy models of trade policy, which show that import penetration and price elasticity of import demand act as weights in the relationship between an industry's protection rate and its political characteristics. We find that adhering to the specific functional form that the theory generates substantially improves the explanatory power of industry characteristics in our econometric work on Turkish data. The results show that protection rate is higher for industries with smaller, less capital-intensive firms and low wage workers. Interestingly, these effects vanish when such firms are publicly owned. These outcomes suggest that the risk-mitigating role of trade barriers is an important factor driving government policy in Turkey. The finding implies that continued move toward openness to international trade require progress in fiscal systems or domestic and international institutions that can deal with the economic insecurities generated by globalization.

Sale and Lease of Indian Water Rights

Sale and Lease of Indian Water Right

A Discussion Of The Unicameral

In 1934, Nebraska met four conditions that not only warranted a discussion of unicameralism but resulted in its implementation. In addition to dissatisfaction, unemployment was high, economy was poor, and activity in partisan politics was negligible. Montana has yet to experience those four conditions in simultaneity. That time may conceivably never come. Partisan politics has always been a very healthy part of this state’s history. To predict a change in that respect would be presumptuous and probably inaccurate. However, it is entirely possible that partisan political activity is not necessarily an integral factor in the conversion from bicameralism to unicameralism. There may well be other, more significant factors applicable to Montana's circumstance. It is also possible that once all of these factors, or a combination of them are met, that Montana will, once again, seriously consider the adoption of the unicameral. It is imperative that the fight for unicameralism persist through debate, legislation, initiative and campaign, for it exists as an equally healthy alternative to the bicameral. It is necessary that the people of Montana understand the ramifications of adopting a one-house assembly. It is vital that the association of unicameralism with myths of socialism, communism, and corruption, cease. People must escape such narrow-minded notions in order to realize the merit of a unicameral system. Contrary to popular belief, the recognition or admission of a unicameral's financial and political value does not compel mandatory adoption. It is only necessary that a reader of this thesis understand that a unicameral can work and that such a system is comprised of certain shortcomings as well as particular advantages. The thesis is divided into four distinct areas. Initially, an idea of the history of the unicameral is suggested. A good part of the second is devoted to early American history. It is necessary to be apprised of the regard accorded the unicameral in American history if one is to understand the American attitude toward unicameralism today. Chapter Two addresses unicameralism in the Nebraskan circumstance. It is the largest segment of the thesis. It contains a history of the unicameral struggle in this midwestern state. It suggests reasons for its ultimate adoption despite a well-organized opposition. It defines the advantages and disadvantages of a one-house assembly. It examines the non-partisan nature of Nebraska's government and it gives a flavor of the process as it exists today. Since Nebraska remains the only state to have adopted a unicameral legislature, much time has been dedicated to this section. Sources and materials dealing with unicameralism were sketchy and difficult to locate in all areas except in the Nebraska experiment. Thus, the weight of the thesis is found here, in Chapter Two. The Montana chapter follows. It is designed around the unicameral movement effected in 1972 and in 1980. Montana has not enjoyed the broad exposure to the unicameral idea that Nebraska had experienced. This chapter focuses on attitudes regarding a one-house system which were expressed both in the Constitutional Convention and during the 1980 initiative drive. Names and personalities involved in the great one-house debate are set forth in Chapter Three. However, no conclusions are drawn in this chapter as to why the proposal has failed in both instances. Those contentions are included in the final section of the thesis. In addition to the expression of Montana attitudes, this chapter explains the ramifications of the Reynolds vs. Sims Court decision and addresses the concept of appropriate districting. The final portion of the paper illustrates an effort to draw some decisive conclusions as to the advantages of introducing the unicameral concept to Montana. The basis for the remarks is drawn from both the Nebraskan and the Montana experience

Water Pollution Control under the Refuse Act of 1899

Water Pollution Control under the Refuse Act of 189

Public Trust as a Constitutional Provision in Montana

Public Trust as a Constitutional Provision in Montan

Sale and Lease of Indian Water Rights

Sale and Lease of Indian Water Right

Leading Ladies: Women in Southern Politics

The following paper presents the issues contributing to the lack of female representation in southern states. Throughout the work, the South is defined as the former eleven states of the Confederacy. Using statistical data from reputable centers and government organizations, personal interviews, and incorporating previous national research on women and politics, findings show that women face unique factors when considering to run for office and even winning political office. The South’s social and political culture, state legislature structure, and lack of state recruitment organizations and PACs specifically for female candidates all compound together to strengthen the probability that women in the South will not run for elective office. However, as southern states experience increasing in-migration, leading to a more educated electorate with a higher per capital income, more women may run for and win political office. Encouraging young women to think of politics as a gender-neutral field, especially through the power of role models, is necessary to increase female representation in the South

First Right of Recusal

First Right of Recusa

The Honorable William D. Murray

The Honorable William D. Murra