Does Size Matter? The Multipolar International Landscape of Nanoscience

How do different countries tackle nanoscience research? Are all countries similar except for a trivial size effect, as science is often assumed to be universal? Or does size dictate large differences, as large countries are able to develop activities in all directions of research, while small countries have to specialize in some specific niches? Alternatively, is size irrelevant, as all countries have followed different historical paths, leading to different patterns of specialisation? Here, we develop an original method that uses a bottom-up definition of scientific subfields to map the international structure of any scientific field. Our analysis shows that nanoscience research does not show a universal pattern of specialisation, homothetic of that of a single global leader (e.g., the United States). Instead, we find a multipolar world, with four main ways of doing nanosciences.Fil: Levin, Luciano Guillermo. Universidad Nacional de La Pampa. Facultad de Ciencias Humanas. Instituto de Estudios Sociohistóricos; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; ArgentinaFil: Jensen, Pablo. École normale supérieure de Lyon; FranciaFil: Kreimer, Pablo Rafael. Universidad Maimónides; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentin

Advising and controling: science communication at a crossroads

Pierre Bourdieu wrote that Sociology is “a disturbing science” [une science qui derange] (Bourdieu 1984), because somehow we are all, or believe ourselves to be, sociologists a little bit. Social scientists are used to this situation and nobody complains when citizens talk about globalization or capitalism without too much conceptual knowledge. But also no one is scandalized, for the same reason, if a biologist, biochemist or nuclear physicist talks about these things in the same way. Things are quite different with natural sciences, which have built their languages around representations and numbers (Baird and Hacking 1988). Due to the lack of personal experiences and expertise, very few people can comment on issues such as the atomic structure or the half-life of viruses in a face mask. This produces a double effect: admiration or rejection of natural sciences. Associated with the above, there are overlaps between disciplines and levels of specialization, gray areas in which, for example, a biologist, who studies camelids, can comment on the coronavirus (Airhart 2020; Wrapp et al. 2020) with greater public acceptance than a historian specialized in public health (Cueto 2020). However, the multidimensional crisis unleashed by the coronavirus increased the tensions between knowledge(s) and common sense, and as a consequence several social mechanisms have started. The most visible is infodemic, a term coined in the World Health Organization to denounce a practice that consists of spreading false news about the pandemic increasing panic in societiesFil: Levin, Luciano Guillermo. Universidad Nacional de Río Negro. Sede Andina. Centro de Estudios en Ciencia, Tecnología, Cultura y Desarrollo; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Patagonia Norte; Argentin

Addictions as a social construction: knowledge´s, public positioning, and state implementation of treatments

Fil: Levin, Luciano G. Universidad Nacional de Río Negro. Centro de Estudios en Ciencia, Tecnología y Desarrollo. Río Negro; Argentina.Fil: Levin, Luciano G. Universidad Nacional de La Pampa; Argentina.This paper describes and analyzes various ways in which drug addiction has been constructed from different cognitive perspectives, each of which has been conceptualized in terms of: a.The knowledge invoked for its theoretical demarcation and the knowledge produced as a result of that approach. b.The framing of drug addiction in the theoretical body and the representations that govern the so-called ?deviant behaviors? c.The particularization in the subset of problems known as ?medicalized behaviors? d.The historicization of the agents through which these problems materialize in actions and concrete institutions at the Argentine local state level. In this work we assume that the emergence of a problem of these characteristics, contingent decisions about how addiction is treated, what types of medical treatments should be implemented, where and by whom, are decisions that result from the interaction between different social actors that mobilize institutional mechanisms and knowledge that shape the interests of the parties involved and public opinion. Then we systematized each of the elements that have been identified in the respective conceptualizations, to show how the analysis of these dimensions allows us to explain the current structuring of the problem - social, public and knowledge.This paper describes and analyzes various ways in which drug addiction has been constructed from different cognitive perspectives, each of which has been conceptualized in terms of: a.The knowledge invoked for its theoretical demarcation and the knowledge produced as a result of that approach. b.The framing of drug addiction in the theoretical body and the representations that govern the so-called ?deviant behaviors? c.The particularization in the subset of problems known as ?medicalized behaviors? d.The historicization of the agents through which these problems materialize in actions and concrete institutions at the Argentine local state level. In this work we assume that the emergence of a problem of these characteristics, contingent decisions about how addiction is treated, what types of medical treatments should be implemented, where and by whom, are decisions that result from the interaction between different social actors that mobilize institutional mechanisms and knowledge that shape the interests of the parties involved and public opinion. Then we systematized each of the elements that have been identified in the respective conceptualizations, to show how the analysis of these dimensions allows us to explain the current structuring of the problem - social, public and knowledge

Strong signature of natural selection within an FHIT intron implicated in prostate cancer risk

Previously, a candidate gene linkage approach on brother pairs affected with prostate cancer identified a locus of prostate cancer susceptibility at D3S1234 within the fragile histidine triad gene (FHIT), a tumor suppressor that induces apoptosis. Subsequent association tests on 16 SNPs spanning approximately 381 kb surrounding D3S1234 in Americans of European descent revealed significant evidence of association for a single SNP within intron 5 of FHIT. In the current study, resequencing and genotyping within a 28.5 kb region surrounding this SNP further delineated the association with prostate cancer risk to a 15 kb region. Multiple SNPs in sequences under evolutionary constraint within intron 5 of FHIT defined several related haplotypes with an increased risk of prostate cancer in European-Americans. Strong associations were detected for a risk haplotype defined by SNPs 138543, 142413, and 152494 in all cases (Pearson's χ2 = 12.34, df 1, P = 0.00045) and for the homozygous risk haplotype defined by SNPs 144716, 142413, and 148444 in cases that shared 2 alleles identical by descent with their affected brothers (Pearson's χ2 = 11.50, df 1, P = 0.00070). In addition to highly conserved sequences encompassing SNPs 148444 and 152413, population studies revealed strong signatures of natural selection for a 1 kb window covering the SNP 144716 in two human populations, the European American (π = 0.0072, Tajima's D= 3.31, 14 SNPs) and the Japanese (π = 0.0049, Fay & Wu's H = 8.05, 14 SNPs), as well as in chimpanzees (Fay & Wu's H = 8.62, 12 SNPs). These results strongly support the involvement of the FHIT intronic region in an increased risk of prostate cancer. © 2008 Ding et al

Popularisation by Argentine researchers: the activities and motivations of CONICET scientists

Fil: Levin, Luciano G. Universidad Maimónides. Centro de Ciencia, Tecnología y Sociedad. Buenos Aires; ArgentinaFil: Levin, Luciano G. Universidad Nacional de Quilmes. Instituto de Estudios Sociales sobre la Ciencia y la Tecnología. Buenos Aires; Argentina.Fil: Jensen, Pablo. Ecole Normale Supérieure de Lyon and the Rhône-Alpes Complex Systems Institute; Francia.Fil: Kreimer, Pablo R. Universidad Nacional de Quilmes. Instituto de Estudios Sociales sobre la Ciencia y la Tecnología. Buenos Aires; Argentina.This paper presents the findings of a survey on popularisation activities by 1700 scientists in Argentina. The tool used for this research was a questionnaire containing 21 questions on discipline, age, status in hierarchy, intensity of popularisation activity, motives, difficulties and attitudes towards public issues and science policy. Our analysis of the data, shows that patterns of public popularisation in Argentina do not substantially differ from those found in two advanced countries, such as France and the United Kingdom. This situation contrasts with the strong differences found in research practices in ?central? and ?peripheral? countries

Individuos, sustancias e intervenciones en las campañas públicas de la SEDRONAR

Fil: Levin, Luciano G. Universidad Nacional de Quilmes. Instituto de Estudios Sociales sobre la Ciencia y la Tecnología. Buenos Aires; Argentina.En este trabajo nos proponemos analizar los folletos emitidos por la Secretaría de Programación para la Prevención de la Drogadicción y la Lucha contra el Narcotráfico, SEDRONAR desde 1989, año de su creación hasta el año 2005. El análisis de estos folletos conlleva la inspección analítica de discursos, imágenes y otros elementos del diseño que requieren un marco conceptual amplio. Para ello utilizamos el aparato conceptual de la Teoría Crítica del Discurso, la teoría de las representaciones sociales y los modelos de entender la problemática de las drogas desarrollados por Helen Nowlis. Se analizan las concepciones volcadas en estos folletos en base a tres dimensiones: como son concebidas las sustancias, como son concebidos los usuarios y como son concebidos los modos de intervención

Tudo é ficção científica

Fil: Levin, Luciano G. Universidad Maimónides. Centro de Ciencia, Tecnología y Sociedad. Buenos Aires; ArgentinaNo espaço cinematográfico, a ficção científica tem sido considerada, há muito tempo, como um gênero menor. Ainda que esta consideração parta do espaço acadêmico e muitas vezes goze de boa saúde em outros âmbitos, este tipo de rótulo não fez nada bem à sua história e à sua imagem. O erro é maior do que parece. Não só a ficção científica está longe de ser um gênero menor, mas ocupa os primeiros lugares, segundo qualquer parâmetro razoável. Trata-se do gênero mais antigo, o mais vendido e o mais premiado. Contudo, eu gostaria de introduzir um argumento mais forte. Trata-se de considerar a ideia segundo a qual, no cinema, tudo é ficção científica. Já vejo mais de um leitor saltando de sua cadeira. Mas vou explicar. Tudo parte de uma grande confusão. Aquela que se origina quando associamos ?ficção científica? a ?máquinas?, ?robôs? ou ?extratarrestres?, e que surge das associações mais elementares entre ficção científica e ciências exatas e naturais. Porém, o par ficção-ciência não nos remete necessariamente a essas ciências. O mundo das ciências é muito mais amplo. Apenas para começar, temos o vasto conjunto das ciências sociais e, por que não dizer, o estudo científico das humanidades. Façamos um exercício de imaginar uma definição de ficção científica grande, uma ficção científica que inclua todas as ciências. Naturais, exatas, sociais, uma ficção científica que incorpore completamente a interdisciplinaridade e também o conhecimento a respeito da ciência, ou seja, a epistemologia e a sociologia da ciência. Uma ficção científica que seja também Ciência, Tecnologia e Sociedade (CTS)

Sin Ciencia Ficción, el Futuro se detiene

Fil: Levin, Luciano G. Universidad Nacional de Río Negro. Centro de Estudios en Ciencia, Tecnología y Desarrollo. Río Negro; Argentina.Es común pensar en la ciencia ficción como si fuese un género literario. Pero aquí trataremos con ella como si fuese una actitud hacia el mundo. Existe la confusión generalizada según la cual, la ciencia ficción tiene algo que ver con el futuro. Esto es tan cierto, como lo es la relación que tienen el western o el policial negro con el futuro. Su mera existencia en el presente determina un futuro diferente del que obtendríamos si no estuvieran. Quizás éste vínculo sea un poco más estrecho cuando se trata de la ciencia ficción, pero en todo caso es una precisión cuantitativa y no cualitativa. La ciencia ficción es, sobre todo, una indagación del presente. Aún cuando su trama se establezca en el pasado, o en algún futuro, sus reflexiones, sus condiciones de posibilidad y sobre todo, su impacto, se desarrollan en el presente. En otra ocasión he acuñado la frase: ?sin ciencia ficción, el futuro se detiene?. Creo que esta frase es cierta a medias. Por supuesto que el futuro no se detiene ?no podría?, lo que señala esta frase es que la ciencia ficción, en cualquier formato, establece las condiciones de posibilidad del futuro de la humanidad. ¿O acaso no están haciendo ciencia ficción los ingenieros de Apple cuando discuten acerca del nuevo Ipod? Robert Heinlein hubiera dicho, ?no es ciencia ficción, se trata de trabajar sobre el futuro cercano?

Cuando la periferia se vuelve el centro. La Antropología Forense en la Argentina, un caso de producción de conocimiento científico socialmente relevante.

Fil: Levin, Luciano G. Universidad Maimónides. Centro de Ciencia, Tecnología y Socieda. Buenos Aires; ArgentinaFil: Levin, Luciano G. Universidad Nacional de Quilmes. Instituto de Estudios Sociales de la CyT. Buenos Aires; Argentina.La antropología forense ha tenido en la Argentina un éxito científico fuera de lo común. Por un lado, esta disciplina se ha desarrollado muy bien en escasos 25 años generando conocimiento científicamente relevante tanto a nivel local como internacional. Por otro lado, y a diferencia de lo que ocurre con gran parte del conocimiento científico generado en contextos periféricos, tiene importantes aplicaciones sociales. En este trabajo describiremos las diferentes dimensiones del origen y desarrollo de esta disciplina en la argentina. El estado cognitivo de esa ciencia en 1983 y, brevemente su desarrollo hasta el presente, su dimensión institucional, la existencia de otras tradiciones de investigación y algunas dimensiones sociales que, creemos, están en la base del éxito de ésta disciplina científic

The national center for social reeducation. A history of therapeutic changes

Fil: Levin, Luciano G. Universidad Maimónides. Centro de Ciencia, Tecnología y Sociedad. Buenos Aires; ArgentinaEste trabajo forma parte de una investigación más amplia que pretende dar cuenta de la historia y las modificaciones ocurridas en el campo de los tratamientos públicos para adictos a sustancias psicoactivas en la Argentina entre 1973, año de la creación del CENARESO y 2005, prestando especial atención a los cambios cognitivos que han estructurado el campo. Aquí se analiza la historia asistencial del CENARESO, el Centro Nacional de Reeducación Social, un hospital monovalente dedicado al tratamiento de las adicciones y primera institución pública de la Argentina en el área