The Class Struggle and The House of Commons: The Parliamentary Response to the London Riots of 1886

The London riots of 1886 are an important part of English working-class history and mythology, and this examination of parliamentary voting on the Compensation for Damages Bill, which was the response of Westminster to the riots, assesses the value of using social conflict theories to explain the policy formulations of political élites. The conclusions which follow from this are two: the Conservative party was indeed divided along class lines; but for the Liberals and Irish Nationalists and for the Conservatives who spoke in the debates, other factors — partisanship, the holding of government office, and, especially, constituency — were more important. For the London riots of 1886 and their parliamentary aftermath, social class describes with great force the nature of public disorder and the reaction of parliamentary Conservatives to it. For the Liberals and Irish Nationalists in Parliament, however, partisanship tamed social class and territorial conflict overlaid it. Les émeutes de Londres de 1886 ont une place importante dans l’histoire de la classe ouvrière anglaise. L’article qui suit est une analyse du vote du Parlement sur le “Compensation for Damages Bill” — projet de loi qui fut la réponse de Westminster aux émeutes — qui rend compte de l’importance de la théorie de la lutte des classes dans la conduit des élites politiques. À ce sujet, on peut tirer deux grandes conclusions : le parti conservateur était divisé, de toute évidence, selon les classes sociales ; mais, au contraire, chez les Libéraux, les nationalistes irlandais et les Conservateurs qui prirent part au débat, d’autres facteurs — le militarisme, la retenue des charges gouvernementales, et, plus particulièrement, la division entre district électoraux — furent plus importants. La division en classes sociales, perçues comme ayant été au cœur des désordres de 1886, a donc dicté la marche politique à suivre aux parlementaires conservateurs. Toutefois, des conflits d’ordre territorial ont détournés les Libéraux et les nationalistes irlandais de la question de la lutte des classes

Method for Determining the Origin of a Sample

A method for determining the nature of a sample is provided, wherein the presence or absence of at least one marker small non-coding RNA in the sample is detected. Suitable marker small non-coding RNAs for different samples such as blood, saliva, semen and vaginal secretions are provided. Also provided are suitable kits and methods for identifying marker small-non coding RNAs

SOBRE O MÉTODO DO DISCURSO PRÁTICO NA FUNDAMENTAÇÃO DA ÉTICA DO DISCURSO DE JÜRGEN HABERMAS

O artigo sublinha o método do discurso prático na fundamentação da ética do discurso e as possíveis diferenças que traçam a separação da ética discursiva da ética kantiana. Mais do que investigação e demonstração, trata-se de uma exposição dos movimentos conceituais importantes sobre o método do discurso prático da ética habermasiana

As críticas de Axel Honneth e Nancy Fraser à Filosofia Política de Jürgen Habermas

O artigo apresenta os argumentos centrais da política deliberativa de Jürgen Habermas (1), e as perspectivas críticas de Axel Honneth (2) e Nancy Fraser (3) de forma a conferir à política habermasiana uma dimensão mais realista, um conteúdo político de vínculo mais concreto com a orientação emancipatória da práxis, e capaz de lidar melhor com a diferença, a diversidade e o conflit

Field Crop Insect Pest Problems in North Dakota

Non-Peer Reviewe

Globalização econômica, desmonte do estado social e déficit político transnacional: uma análise crítica a partir de Jürgen Habermas

The article presents Jürgen Habermas critical analysis of the consequences of the neoliberal model of global market integration, in particular the imbalance between politics and market, the end of the commitment to the welfare state and the democratic deficit at the transnational level. For the German philosopher, the neoliberal conception of the privatized society of global capitalism undermine the nexus between national state, democracy and social justice, marginalizing the state and politics in favour of privatization of public services and being insensitive to questions of social justice, the costs increasing poverty, inequality and social exclusion, even in wealthy countries in Europe and North America. Moving the guarantor of social integration across national borders, global capitalism is beyond the state control and exhaust the power of national states in terms of democratic substance and social policy and creates a legitimacy deficit by transferring national powers to agencies or transnational corporations whose legitimacy does not derive from civil society or from a politically constituted public sphere. In contrast, Habermas advocates a democratic power able to politically neutralize the global market, rebuild the welfare-state democracy in a transnational level in view of a more socially balanced order, and compensate the social deficit and democratic legitimacy in the transnational order. After reviewing some problems that have been solved in national state forms, the article describes how economic globalization affects the cultural, economic, administrative, juridical, political, social and labor sovereignty of the national states (1), and what are the possibilities of politically reframing markets, extending welfare-estate democracy beyond national borders (2). In this way, we want to show that Habermas’ work is not blind to the relation between democracy and capitalism, to the collateral effects of the “colonization of politics by the economy”, to the corrosive influence of the capitalist economy on the depoliticization of the public sphere and politics. Recebido: 22/6/2018Aceito: 30/6/2019O artigo trata da análise crítica de Jürgen Habermas a respeito das consequências do modelo neoliberal de integração global via mercado, em especial o desequilíbrio entre política e mercado, o fim do compromisso com o Estado social e o déficit democrático no nível transnacional. Para o filósofo alemão, a concepção neoliberal de sociedade desestatizada do capitalismo global atinge o nexo entre Estado nacional, democracia e justiça social, marginalizando o Estado e a política, em favor da privatização dos serviços públicos e sendo insensível às questões de justiça social, aos custos sociais do crescente aumento da pobreza, desigualdade e exclusão social, mesmo em países abastados da Europa e América do Norte. Ao deslocar o fiador da integração social para além das fronteiras nacionais, o capitalismo global foge ao controle estatal e esvazia o poder dos Estados nacionais, em termos de substância democrática e de política social, e gera um déficit de legitimação, ao transferir competências nacionais para agências ou organismos transnacionais, cuja legitimação não deriva da sociedade civil ou de uma esfera pública politicamente constituída. Em contrapartida, Habermas defende um poder democrático capaz de domesticar politicamente o mercado globalizado, reconstruir a democracia estatal-social num nível transnacional, em vista de uma ordem socialmente mais equilibrada, e compensar o déficit social e de legitimação democrática, no âmbito transnacional. Depois de recapitular alguns problemas que se solucionaram nas formas de Estado nacional, o artigo descreve como a globalização econômica afeta a soberania cultural, econômica, administrativa e jurídica, política, social e trabalhista dos Estados nacionais (1), e quais as possibilidades de reenquadrar politicamente os mercados, estendendo a democracia estatal para além das fronteiras nacionais (2). Com isso, quer-se mostrar que a obra de Habermas não é cega para a relação democracia-capitalismo, para os efeitos colaterais da “colonização da política pela economia”, para a influência corrosiva da economia capitalista na despolitização da esfera pública e da política. Recebido: 22/6/2018Aceito: 30/6/201

The category of public sphere by Jurgen Habermas

Orientador: Marcos NobreTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias HumanasResumo: A presente tese tem o objetivo de fazer uma leitura reconstrutiva de um tema fundamental explorado por Jürgen Habermas: a categoria de ?esfera pública?. Este tema da esfera pública é examinado no contexto da passagem entre o universo teórico de Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit (1962) e Theorie des kommunikativen Handelns (1981) em relação àquele de Faktizität und Geltung (1992). Nesta transição, Habermas reformula uma série de questões introduzidas nas suas investigações anteriores sobre o tema da esfera pública e configura uma perspectiva teórica modificada. O momento-chave desta transição é o prefácio à nova edição de Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit, publicada em 1990. Esta retomada pode ser desdobrada em dois eixos que se correlacionam: a) A reformulação do conteúdo da esfera pública (limitações e deficiências), a ampliação da categoria e o alargamento da infra-estrutura da esfera pública, agora com novas características e novos papéis; b) O reposicionamento da esfera pública por um rearranjo interno num contexto teórico mais amplo da teoria da ação comunicativa e da reformulação da relação sistema-mundo da vida da teoria da sociedade. O exame a ser realizado neste trabalho será temático, não cronológico. Isto nos permite mostrar melhor que há dois momentos que podem ser distinguidos analiticamente, e que a autocrítica é dupla, tanto da noção mesma de esfera pública quanto da posição dessa categoria no quadro da teoria social comunicativa, e que andam paralelamente.Abstract: The present thesis has the objective to do a reconstructive reading of a fundamental theme explored by Jürgen Habermas: the category of ?public sphere?. It is examined in context of the passage between the theoretical universe of Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit (1962) and Theorie des kommunikativen Handelns (1981) in relation to that one of Faktizität und Geltung (1992). In this transition, Habermas reformulating a series of questions introduced in its previous inquiries on the theme of public sphere, and formulating a modified theoretical perspective. The key moment of this transition is the preface to the new edition of Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit, published in 1990. This retaken can be unfolded in two axles that if correlate: a) A reformularization of the category (its limitations and deficiencies), the extending of the content and enlarge of the infrastructure of the public sphere, now with new characteristics and new functions; b) The new position of the public sphere through an internal rearrangement in the extended theoretical context of the communicative action and in the reformularization of the relation system-lifeworld of the theory of society. This examination will be thematic, and not chronological. This allows showing better that it has two moments that can be analytically distinguished, and showing that the self-critique is twofold, of the public sphere as well as the communicative social theory, and that walking parallel.DoutoradoHistoria da Filosofia ContemporaneaDoutor em Filosofi

Der Einfluss einer antiemetischen Prophylaxe auf die postoperative Erholung nach operativer Weisheitszahnentfernung in Intubationsnarkose : ein Vergleich von Dexamethason mit Droperidol und Placebo

Postoperative nausea and vomiting (PONV) are common complications after general anaesthesia, which influence the postoperative recovery as well as the time to discharge in an ambulatory setting. Additional factors like pain, edema, poor oral intake and psychological side effects may also influence the postoperative course. In this prospective randomized placebo-controlled double-blind study the clinical efficacy of 8 mg dexamethasone versus 1,25 mg droperidol was investigated for the prevention of PONV, postoperative pain, edema and postoperative recovery. 150 patients scheduled for the removal of 2 to 4 third molars receiving standardized general anaesthesia were enrolled in this investigation. 30 minutes, 4, 8, and 24 hours postoperatively pain and nausea were assessed using visual analogue scales. In addition, anxiety and state of tension using the Erlanger anxiety and tension-scale, emetic episodes, retching as well as the use of antiemetic and analgesic medication were evaluated. On the following day patients’ satisfaction was measured using the Quality of Recovery-Score, side effects were documented and the postoperative swelling was clinically and sonograhically examined. 147 patients were included in the analysis. Patients’ characteristics were comparable in all three groups. The predicted risk for PONV using Apfel’s simplified score was about 36% for all groups. The need for anaesthetics and the duration of anaesthesia and operation were also similar. After induction of anaesthesia patients receiving droperidol had a significantly increased heart rate compared with placebo and after dexamethasone a significantly higher blood pressure, both without any clinical consequences. The incidence of PONV was 62% in the placebo group, 55% after droperidol and 42% after dexamethasone (differences were not significant). Late PONV occurred significantly more often with droperidol compared to dexamethasone use. In turn, the use of antiemetic drugs was significantly higher in the placebo group. Following dexamethasone patients showed lower pain levels and had a significantly reduced need for analgesic medication from 8 to 24 hours postoperative. Dexamethasone significantly facilitated the early tolerance of food and an earlier mobilization. Patients from the dexamethasone group had less sedation and mood swings. Anxiety and state of tension were significantly improved after dexamethasone. Other side effects were not detected in any group. Patients from the dexamethasone group could fall asleep significantly better even though the quality of sleep was equal between the groups. The clinical and sonographical examination of facial edema showed a significantly reduced swelling as well as less trismus for patients receiving dexamethasone. Sensory disturbances did not differ between the groups. Furthermore patients’ satisfaction and quality of recovery were significantly improved by dexamethasone. This study provides evidence that a single prophylactic dose of dexamethasone has a good clinical efficacy in the prevention of common complications after removal of wisdom teeth in general anaesthesia. In combination with a low NNT, a favourable price and no evidence of relevant side effects dexamethasone treatment may be recommended for patients scheduled for this intervention

Direitos humanos e soberania popular em Habermas

Não consta