Neurocognitive mechanisms for processing inflectional and derivational complexity in English

In the current paper we discuss the mechanisms that underlie the processing of inflectional and derivational complexity in English. We address this issue from a neurocognitive perspective and present evidence from a new fMRI study that the two types of morphological complexity engage the language processing network in different ways. The processing of inflectional complexity selectively activates a left-lateralised frontotemporal system, specialised for combinatorial grammatical computations, while derivational complexity primarily engages a distributed bilateral system, argued to support whole-word, stem based lexical access. We discuss the implications of our findings for theories of the processing and representation of morphologically complex words

Structure, form, and meaning in the mental lexicon: evidence from Arabic.

Does the organization of the mental lexicon reflect the combination of abstract underlying morphemic units or the concatenation of word-level phonological units? We address these fundamental issues in Arabic, a Semitic language where every surface form is potentially analyzable into abstract morphemic units - the word pattern and the root - and where this view contrasts with stem-based approaches, chiefly driven by linguistic considerations, in which neither roots nor word patterns play independent roles in word formation and lexical representation. Five cross-modal priming experiments examine the processing of morphologically complex forms in the three major subdivisions of the Arabic lexicon - deverbal nouns, verbs, and primitive nouns. The results demonstrate that root and word pattern morphemes function as abstract cognitive entities, operating independently of semantic factors and dissociable from possible phonological confounds, while stem-based approaches consistently fail to accommodate the basic psycholinguistic properties of the Arabic mental lexicon

Real-time functional architecture of visual word recognition.

Despite a century of research into visual word recognition, basic questions remain unresolved about the functional architecture of the process that maps visual inputs from orthographic analysis onto lexical form and meaning and about the units of analysis in terms of which these processes are conducted. Here we use magnetoencephalography, supported by a masked priming behavioral study, to address these questions using contrasting sets of simple (walk), complex (swimmer), and pseudo-complex (corner) forms. Early analyses of orthographic structure, detectable in bilateral posterior temporal regions within a 150-230 msec time frame, are shown to segment the visual input into linguistic substrings (words and morphemes) that trigger lexical access in left middle temporal locations from 300 msec. These are primarily feedforward processes and are not initially constrained by lexical-level variables. Lexical constraints become significant from 390 msec, in both simple and complex words, with increased processing of pseudowords and pseudo-complex forms. These results, consistent with morpho-orthographic models based on masked priming data, map out the real-time functional architecture of visual word recognition, establishing basic feedforward processing relationships between orthographic form, morphological structure, and lexical meaning.This is the final version of the article. It first appeared from MIT Press via http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jocn_a_0069

Brain Network Connectivity During Language Comprehension: Interacting Linguistic and Perceptual Subsystems.

The dynamic neural processes underlying spoken language comprehension require the real-time integration of general perceptual and specialized linguistic information. We recorded combined electro- and magnetoencephalographic measurements of participants listening to spoken words varying in perceptual and linguistic complexity. Combinatorial linguistic complexity processing was consistently localized to left perisylvian cortices, whereas competition-based perceptual complexity triggered distributed activity over both hemispheres. Functional connectivity showed that linguistically complex words engaged a distributed network of oscillations in the gamma band (20-60 Hz), which only partially overlapped with the network supporting perceptual analysis. Both processes enhanced cross-talk between left temporal regions and bilateral pars orbitalis (BA47). The left-lateralized synchrony between temporal regions and pars opercularis (BA44) was specific to the linguistically complex words, suggesting a specific role of left frontotemporal cross-cortical interactions in morphosyntactic computations. Synchronizations in oscillatory dynamics reveal the transient coupling of functional networks that support specific computational processes in language comprehension.This work was supported by an EPSRC grant to W.M.-W. (EP/F030061/1), an ERC Advanced Grant (Neurolex) to W.M.-W., and by MRC Cognition and Brain Sciences Unit (CBU) funding to W.M.-W. (U.1055.04.002.00001.01). Computing resources were provided by the MRC-CBU. Funding to pay the Open Access publication charges for this article was provided by the Advanced Investigator Grant (Neurolex) to W.D.M.-W.This is the final published version which appears at http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cercor/bhu28

Tonotopic representation of loudness in the human cortex

A prominent feature of the auditory system is that neurons show tuning to audio frequency; each neuron has a characteristic frequency (CF) to which it is most sensitive. Furthermore, there is an orderly mapping of CF to position, which is called tonotopic organization and which is observed at many levels of the auditory system. In a previous study (Thwaites et al., 2016) we examined cortical entrainment to two auditory transforms predicted by a model of loudness, instantaneous loudness and short-term loudness, using speech as the input signal. The model is based on the assumption that neural activity is combined across CFs (i.e. across frequency channels) before the transform to short-term loudness. However, it is also possible that short-term loudness is determined on a channel-specific basis. Here we tested these possibilities by assessing neural entrainment to the overall and channel-specific instantaneous loudness and the overall and channel-specific short-term loudness. The results showed entrainment to channel-specific instantaneous loudness at latencies of 45 and 100 ms (bilaterally, in and around Heschl's gyrus). There was entrainment to overall instantaneous loudness at 165 ms in dorso-lateral sulcus (DLS). Entrainment to overall short-term loudness occurred primarily at 275 ms, bilaterally in DLS and superior temporal sulcus. There was only weak evidence for entrainment to channel-specific short-term loudness.This work was supported by an ERC Advanced Grant (230570, ‘Neurolex’) to WMW, by MRC Cognition and Brain Sciences Unit (CBU) funding to WMW (U.1055.04.002.00001.01), and by EPSRC grant RG78536 to JS and BM

Conserved Sequence Processing in Primate Frontal Cortex.

An important aspect of animal perception and cognition is learning to recognize relationships between environmental events that predict others in time, a form of relational knowledge that can be assessed using sequence-learning paradigms. Humans are exquisitely sensitive to sequencing relationships, and their combinatorial capacities, most saliently in the domain of language, are unparalleled. Recent comparative research in human and nonhuman primates has obtained behavioral and neuroimaging evidence for evolutionarily conserved substrates involved in sequence processing. The findings carry implications for the origins of domain-general capacities underlying core language functions in humans. Here, we synthesize this research into a 'ventrodorsal gradient' model, where frontal cortex engagement along this axis depends on sequencing complexity, mapping onto the sequencing capacities of different species

Decompositional Representation of Morphological Complexity: Multivariate fMRI Evidence from Italian.

Derivational morphology is a cross-linguistically dominant mechanism for word formation, combining existing words with derivational affixes to create new word forms. However, the neurocognitive mechanisms underlying the representation and processing of such forms remain unclear. Recent cross-linguistic neuroimaging research suggests that derived words are stored and accessed as whole forms, without engaging the left-hemisphere perisylvian network associated with combinatorial processing of syntactically and inflectionally complex forms. Using fMRI with a "simple listening" no-task procedure, we reexamine these suggestions in the context of the root-based combinatorially rich Italian lexicon to clarify the role of semantic transparency (between the derived form and its stem) and affix productivity in determining whether derived forms are decompositionally represented and which neural systems are involved. Combined univariate and multivariate analyses reveal a key role for semantic transparency, modulated by affix productivity. Opaque forms show strong cohort competition effects, especially for words with nonproductive suffixes (ventura, "destiny"). The bilateral frontotemporal activity associated with these effects indicates that opaque derived words are processed as whole forms in the bihemispheric language system. Semantically transparent words with productive affixes (libreria, "bookshop") showed no effects of lexical competition, suggesting morphologically structured co-representation of these derived forms and their stems, whereas transparent forms with nonproductive affixes (pineta, pine forest) show intermediate effects. Further multivariate analyses of the transparent derived forms revealed affix productivity effects selectively involving left inferior frontal regions, suggesting that the combinatorial and decompositional processes triggered by such forms can vary significantly across languages.This research was supported by an Advanced Investigator grant to WMW from the European Research Council (AdG 230570 NEUROLEX) and by MRC Cognition and Brain Sciences Unit (CBSU) funding to WMW (U.1055.04.002.00001.01). Computing resources were provided by the MRC CBSU.This is the author accepted manuscript. The final version is available from MIT Press via http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jocn_a_0100

Grammatical analysis as a distributed neurobiological function.

This is the final version of the article. It first appeared from [publisher] via http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/hbm.22696Language processing engages large-scale functional networks in both hemispheres. Although it is widely accepted that left perisylvian regions have a key role in supporting complex grammatical computations, patient data suggest that some aspects of grammatical processing could be supported bilaterally. We investigated the distribution and the nature of grammatical computations across language processing networks by comparing two types of combinatorial grammatical sequences--inflectionally complex words and minimal phrases--and contrasting them with grammatically simple words. Novel multivariate analyses revealed that they engage a coalition of separable subsystems: inflected forms triggered left-lateralized activation, dissociable into dorsal processes supporting morphophonological parsing and ventral, lexically driven morphosyntactic processes. In contrast, simple phrases activated a consistently bilateral pattern of temporal regions, overlapping with inflectional activations in L middle temporal gyrus. These data confirm the role of the left-lateralized frontotemporal network in supporting complex grammatical computations. Critically, they also point to the capacity of bilateral temporal regions to support simple, linear grammatical computations. This is consistent with a dual neurobiological framework where phylogenetically older bihemispheric systems form part of the network that supports language function in the modern human, and where significant capacities for language comprehension remain intact even following severe left hemisphere damage.Computing resources were provided by the MRC-CBU. Li Su was partly supported by the Cambridge Dementia Biomedical Research Unit

What do fully-visible primes and brain potentials reveal about morphological decomposition?

This is the author's post-print version of an article published in Psychophysiology, 2011, Vol. 48, Issue 5, pp. 676 – 686. Copyright © 2011 Wiley-Blackwell. The definitive version is available at www3.interscience.wiley.comTo examine the role of meaning in morphological decomposition ({re-}+{play}), researchers have employed the priming paradigm. Perceptually masked primes lead to facilitation both when decomposition is semantically appropriate (hunter-HUNT) and when it is not (corner-CORN), whereas with fully visible primes facilitation is observed only in the former case. We investigated the N400 brain potential time-locked to words preceded by fully visible primes. At ∼300–380 ms, N400 was equally attenuated in the semantically “transparent” condition (hunter-HUNT) and semantically “opaque” condition (corner-CORN). In the transparent condition, N400 remained attenuated after 380 ms, whereas in the opaque condition it returned to the level of a nonmorphological form condition (brothel-BROTH). This pattern of N400 priming is consistent with an orthography-based, morphological decomposition mechanism, “licensed” at a later stage by semantic information.This research was supported by a Ph.D. studentship from the UK Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) to the third author. The second author was supported by research grants from the Leverhulme Trust (F/07 537/AB) and the Economic and Social Research Council (RES-062-23-2268)

Representation of Instantaneous and Short-Term Loudness in the Human Cortex.

Acoustic signals pass through numerous transforms in the auditory system before perceptual attributes such as loudness and pitch are derived. However, relatively little is known as to exactly when these transformations happen, and where, cortically or sub-cortically, they occur. In an effort to examine this, we investigated the latencies and locations of cortical entrainment to two transforms predicted by a model of loudness perception for time-varying sounds: the transforms were instantaneous loudness and short-term loudness, where the latter is hypothesized to be derived from the former and therefore should occur later in time. Entrainment of cortical activity was estimated from electro- and magneto-encephalographic (EMEG) activity, recorded while healthy subjects listened to continuous speech. There was entrainment to instantaneous loudness bilaterally at 45, 100, and 165 ms, in Heschl's gyrus, dorsal lateral sulcus, and Heschl's gyrus, respectively. Entrainment to short-term loudness was found in both the dorsal lateral sulcus and superior temporal sulcus at 275 ms. These results suggest that short-term loudness is derived from instantaneous loudness, and that this derivation occurs after processing in sub-cortical structures.This work was supported by an ERC Advanced Grant (230570, ‘Neurolex’) to WMW, and by MRC Cognition and Brain Sciences Unit (CBU) funding to WMW (U.1055.04.002.00001.01). Computing resources were provided by the MRC-CBU.This is the final version of the article. It first appeared from Frontiers via http://dx.doi.org/10.3389/fnins.2016.0018