Anàlisi socioecològic i estudi de l'emplaçament de caixes niu de ratpenat al municipi de Malgrat de Mar

Degut a la importància del ratpenat al municipi de Malgrat de Mar, que alberga una de les majors colònies del sud d'Europa d'aquests mamífers a les mines de Can Palomeres i que té un gran valor socioecològic entre la població, es va decidir realitzar un projecte amb dues dimensions diferents: a) una de vessant més ecològica, enfocada a la instal·lació de caixes niu per a quiròpters a la trama urbana del municipi i b) una altra de caire més social centrada en l'anàlisi de la visió dels infants malgratencs sobre el mamífer i en la posterior comparació amb la concepció dels nens d'altres localitats envers l'animal. Amb la instal·lació de caixes niu a la trama urbana de Malgrat es pretenia proporcionar nous espais d'habitatge per la ratapinyada i aprofitar, conseqüentment, els serveis ecosistèmics que proporcionen en benefici de la població del territori (control de plagues, reducció de les picades de mosquit, etc.). La ubicació estratègica de les caixes es va decidir amb la integració dels següents aspectes: les característiques específiques dels ratpenats que habiten a Malgrat, les variables que més influeixen en la seva freqüentació (recollides a un mapa d'elaboració pròpia) i les dades propiciades per diferents experts sobre la matèria com ara el número de caixes òptim a instal·lar en relació a la superfície d'estudi. Pel que fa a la part social del treball, es pretenia comprovar l'eficàcia dels tallers de sensibilització sobre el ratpenat realitzats anteriorment per l'Ajuntament. Per assolir aquest objectiu, es volia conèixer la percepció dels infants de Malgrat de Mar sobre el ratpenat i, posteriorment, comparar-la amb la de nens i nenes de la mateixa edat d'escoles de Barcelona i Matadepera, municipis on aquest animal té un paper menys destacat. La informació es va obtenir després de realitzar diferents tallers que constaven de dues parts: un apartat de qüestions sobre els quiròpters i un altre d'educació ambiental. Referent als resultats del treball, aquests també s'han de dividir segons les dues branques del projecte. Pel que fa a l'àmbit ecològic, el primer resultat va ser la instal·lació de les caixes de forma satisfactòria mentre que el segon, d'altra banda es coneixerà quan passi un interval de temps suficient per saber si les caixes han estat colonitzades o no. En relació a la línia social del treball, després de realitzar els tallers i de gestionar la informació obtinguda es va poder confirmar la hipòtesi proposada prèviament a la realització del treball i que citava: "els infants de Malgrat de Mar tenen una millor concepció de la figura del ratpenat que els joves d'altres municipis amb menys costum"

Competing ideologies of Russia's civil society

Many analysts and public opinion makers in the West conflate the notions of Russia’s non-systemic liberal opposition and the country’s civil society. Indeed, despite garnering the support of a minority of Russia’s population, non-systemic liberal opposition represents a well-organized civic group with a clearly articulated agenda and the ability to take action. Yet, does Russia’s civil society end there? A closer look at the country’s politics shows that Russia has a substantial conservative-traditionalist faction that has also developed agenda for action and formulated opinions. This group is anti-liberal rather than illiberal ideologically and pro-strong state/pro a geopolitically independent Russia rather than pro-Kremlin politically. The interaction between liberal and conservative civic groups represents the battle of meanings, ideas, and ethics, and ultimately determines the future trajectory of Russia’s evolution. Thus, the analysis of Russia’s civil society must represent a rather more nuanced picture than a mere study of the liberal non-systemic opposition. This article will examine the complexity of Russia’s civil society scene with reference to the interplay between the liberal opposition and conservative majority factions. The paper will argue that such complexity stems from ideological value pluralism that falls far beyond the boundaries of the liberal consensus, often skewing our understanding of political practice in Russia

XXXVI International Conference Advanced Problems in Mechanics

We study convection in a vertical layer of ferro-magnetic fluid heated from the side and subject to a transverse magnetic field. It is found that the subsequent fluid motion is caused by interacting thermo-gravitational and thermo-magnetic mechanisms. Our experiments and computations show that the excitation of magneto-convection leads to the formation of vertically aligned stationary rolls, while gravitational convection results in horizontal rolls corresponding to a pair of counter-propagating thermal waves. The interaction of these instability modes leads to a wide spectrum of experimentally observed flow patterns including stationary rolls and standing waves of various spatial orientations. A comprehensive stability map is computed and compared with experimental flow visualisations. Disturbance energy is analysed to achieve a deeper insight into the physical mechanisms driving the fluid motion

The relationship between employees' perceptions towards the readiness in employment of people with disability at Lembaga Hasil Dalam Negeri Cawangan Sarawak / Mohd Rohaizad Putin

The purpose of this study is to determine the relationship between employees’ perception towards the readiness in employment of people with disability among the support staff at Lembaga Hasil Dalam Negeri Cawangan Sarawak (LHDNS). Furthermore, these studies are also designed to find out the major perception among the employee on the employment of people with disability, to identify the employee readiness towards the employment of people with disability and to identify the relationship between employee perceptions towards the readiness in employment of people with disability. The scope of the study was involved the support staff form human resources and administrative and finance division at Lembaga Hasil Dalam Negeri Cawangan Sarawak (LHDNS). This research used questionnaire as the data collection method and were distributed to 120 support staff from Human Resource and Administrative and Finance division at Lembaga Hasil Dalam Negeri Cawangan Sarawak. The response rate was very good which is there are total of 120 questionnaires was distributed and there was 100% return rate from the organizations. The result was obtained from the findings which is the support staff at Lembaga Hasil Dalam Negeri Cawangan Sarawak (LHDNS) was uncertain with their perceptions because the major perceptions with the highest mean is 3.25 on the question “Disabled workers would require high levels of supervision”. Meanwhile, most of the respondents were ready to accept people with disability as their co-worker. This can be seen at the result which most of the support staff were agree with the question “I would not mind taking the time to set up a disabled worker’s workspace to make it easy for them to use” which is th

The Memory Politics of Becoming European: The East European Subalterns and the Collective Memory of Europe

The situation in collective memory studies that share a nexus with the discipline of International Relations (IR) is currently reflective of the traditionally West-centric writing of European history. This order of things has become increasingly challenged after the eastern enlargement of the European Union (EU). This article examines Poland’s and the Baltics’ recent attempts to enlarge the mnemonic vision of ‘the united Europe’ by placing their ‘subaltern pasts’ in contest with the conventionally Western European-bent understanding of the consequences of World War II in Europe. I argue that their endeavours to wrench the ‘European mnemonical map’ apart in order to become more congruent with the different historical experiences within the enlarged EU encapsulate the curious trademark of Polish and Baltic post-Cold War politics of becoming European: their combination of simultaneously seeking recognition from and resisting the hegemonic ‘core European’ narrative of what ‘Europe’ is all about

Elite opinion and foreign policy in post-communist Russia

Russian elite opinion on matters of foreign policy may be classified as ‘Liberal Westerniser’, ‘Pragmatic Nationalist’ and ‘Fundamentalist Nationalist’, terms that reflect longstanding debates about the country’s relationship with the outside world. An analysis of press statements and election manifestoes together with a programme of elite interviews between 2004 and 2006 suggests a clustering of opinion on a series of strategic issues. Liberal Westernisers seek the closest possible relationship with Europe, and favour eventual membership of the EU and NATO. Pragmatic Nationalists are more inclined to favour practical co-operation, and do not assume an identity of values or interests with the Western countries. Fundamentalist Nationalists place more emphasis on the other former Soviet republics, and on Asia as much as Europe, and see the West as a threat to Russian values as well as to its state interests. Each of these positions, in turn, draws on an identifiable set of domestic constituencies: Liberal Westernisers on the promarket political parties, Pragmatic Nationalists on the presidential administration and defence and security ministries, and Fundamentalist Nationalists on the Orthodox Church and Communists