The Return to Capital in Ghana

We show that the real return to capital in Ghana's informal sector is high. For farmers, we find annual returns ranging from 205-350% in the new technology of pineapple cultivation, and 30-50% in well-established food crop cultivation. We also examine the relative prices of durable goods of varying durability, and estimate a lower bound to the opportunity cost of capital of 60%.Capital, durable goods, credit markets

The Impact of Shrouded Fees: Evidence from a Natural Experiment

We study a natural experiment in the Indian mutual funds sector that created a 22 month period in which closed-end funds were allowed to charge an arguably shrouded amortized fee whereas open-end funds were forced to charge standard entry loads. We find that allowing closed-end funds to charge the shrouded type of fee led to a proliferation of closed-end funds in the market; 45 new closed-end funds were started over this 22 month period collecting 9.1 billion $U.S, whereas only two closed-ended funds were started in the 66 months prior to this period collecting .42 billion$U.S., and no closed-ended funds were started in the 20 months after this period. We argue that other theoretical determinants of the closed versus open ended organizational form did not change discretely around the natural experiment and thus are unlikely to explain the sudden emergence and disappearance of closed-end funds. We find closed-end funds did not perform better in terms of raw or risk-adjusted returns. If all the investors in closed-end funds during this period had invested in the lower fee open fund variety instead they would have paid 4.25 percent less in fees over this 22 month period, equal to approximately 500 million dollars in extra fees

The Return to Capital in Ghana

Countries? ” If there exist aggregate production functions representing approximately the same technology across countries, then the vastly higher output per worker in richer countries implies that capital per worker must be much higher in these countries, and diminishing returns implies a much lower rate of return to capital in rich than in poor countries. The details of the calculation depend, of course, on specific assumptions. However, the magnitudes are sufficiently large that the absence of massive capital flows to the poorest countries is properly seen as a fundamental puzzle. Lucas considers the possibility that capital market imperfections permit the existence of a gap in the returns to capital across countries, but argues that this cannot account for most of the difference implied by his calculation. He, therefore, raises the possibility that there are huge differences in human capital across countries, and externalities associated with these differences imply that returns to physical capital are not so different across countries with even large differences in physical capital per worker. Accordingly, there is no mystery about the lack of physical capital flows. In contrast, Abhijit V. Banerjee and Esther C. Duflo (2005) review a good deal of evidence, mostly from India, showing widely varying and often very high real interest rates. In addition, ∗We are grateful to Marcus Noland for the initial conversation that led to this paper, to Erica Field, Barbara O’Brien and Yuichi Kitamura for valuable comments, and to Hyungi Woo, Tavneet Suri, and Patrick Amiher

Unshrouding Effects on Demand for a Costly Add-On: Evidence from Bank Overdrafts in Turkey

Models of shrouding predict that firms lack incentives to compete on add-on prices. Working with a large Turkish bank to test SMS direct marketing promotions to 108,000 existing checking account holders, we find that messages promoting a large discount on the overdraft interest rate reduce overdraft usage. In contrast, messages that mention overdraft availability without mentioning price increase usage. Neither change persists long after messages stop, suggesting that induced overdrafting is not habit-forming. Our results are consistent with a model of limited memory and attention