Dietary Intake of Natural Sources of Docosahexaenoic Acid and Folate in Pregnant Women of Three European Cohorts

Background: Folic acid plays a fundamental role in cell division and differentiation. Docosahexaenoic acid (DHA) has been associated with infantile neurological and cognitive development. Thus, optimal intrauterine development and growth requires adequate supply of these nutrients during pregnancy. Methods: Healthy pregnant women, aged 18-41 years, were recruited in Granada (Spain; n = 62), Munich (Germany; n = 97) and Pecs (Hungary; n = 152). We estimated dietary DHA and folate intake in weeks 20 (w20) and 30 of gestation (w30) using a food frequency questionnaire with specific focus on the dietary sources of folate and DHA. Results: Both w20 and w30 Spanish participants had significantly higher daily DHA intakes (155 +/- 13 and 161 +/- 9 mg/1,000 kcal) than the German (119 +/- 9 and 124 +/- 12 mg/1,000 kcal; p = 0.002) and Hungarian participants (122 +/- 8 and 125 +/- 10 mg/1,000 kcal; p = 0.005). Hungarian women had higher folate intakes in w20 and w30 (149 +/- 5 and 147 +/- 6 mu g/1,000 kcal) than Spanish (112 +/- 2 and 110 +/- 2 mu g/1,000 kcal; p < 0.001) and German participants (126 +/- 4 and 120 +/- 6 mu g/1,000 kcal; p < 0.001), respectively. Conclusion: Dietary DHA and folate intake of pregnant women differs significantly across the three European cohorts. Only 7% of the participants reached the recommended folate intake during pregnancy, whereas nearly 90% reached the DHA recommended intake of 200 mg per day. Copyright (C) 2008 S. Karger AG, Base

The Sanctity of Human Life: An Examination of the Effects of Education and Training of Less-lethal Force Option Devices in the Royal Thai Police

Under Article III of the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights, everyone has the right to life, liberty, and security. It is the duty of law enforcement to protect and respect these rights. The Royal Thai Police (RTP) patrol officers carry firearms as lethal weapons on their duty belts, similar to police officers in the United States (US). However, firearms are the only force option available to the RTP in stark contrast to the options police officers in the US have when they encounter resistance from suspects. For the RTP, conducted energy devices (CED) and oleoresin capsicum (OC) sprays are not readily available to use, if necessary, as less-lethal force options before resorting to firearms. This study utilized classic experimental research to determine if a specific intervention had an effect on the RTP participants\u27 behaviors and attitudes in the use of less-lethal force options during virtual use of force simulation scenarios. The 8-hour intervention course provided the RTP with knowledge and skills to improve officers\u27 decision-making and understanding of less-lethal force options. In pre- and post-intervention virtual use of force simulation scenarios, CEDs and OC spray were available on the officers\u27 duty belts when they encountered threats. This quantitative research study utilized an experimental design, survey, and evaluation process. The research questions examined changes in officers\u27 behaviors and attitudes in the use of less-lethal force options between pre- and post-intervention simulations. The results indicated a statistically significant difference in the officers’ behaviors and attitudes in the use of less-lethal force options, emphasizing the principles of the sanctity of human life

Food, Fatty Acids and Antioxidants Intake and their Associations with Atopic disease in Adults

It was hypothesized that high fat consumption, specifically from polyunsaturated fatty acids, may be positively related to atopic disease prevalence. On the other hand, antioxidants constituents of the diet may exert a protective effect against disorders related to the immune system. The aim of the present cross-sectional study was to assess the relationship between dietary intake of selected foods, fatty acids, and dietary antioxidants with atopic disease prevalence in adults. Data from the European Community Respiratory Health Survey in Erfurt, combined with a three-day weighed records from the MONICA dietary survey, was used. Complete data was available from 469 men and 333 women aged between 20 and 64 years. Multiple logistic regression was applied comparing the highest with the lowest quartile of dietary exposures and linear trends were tested stratified by gender. In men, margarine intake and a high ratio of omega-6 to omega-3 fatty acids were positively associated with hay fever (p for trend 0.03 and 0.04 respectively). In women, a high intake of total fat, palmitoleic and oleic acids were positively associated with sensitisation (aOR 2.42, p for trend 0.11, 3.04, p for trend 0.02, 2.47, p for trend 0.03 respectively). A high total fat (aOR 4.51, p for trend 0.05), high monounsaturated fatty acids (aOR 3.04, p for trend 0.01), and high oleic acid consumption (aOR 4.99, p for trend 0.01) were positively associated with hay fever. No clear relationships between antioxidant nutrients consumption and allergic disease were observed. Whilst an excessive intake of fat or imbalance in fat intake, particularly of monounsaturated fatty acids, increased the risk for hay fever and allergic sensitisation in women. Mainly, no significant associations were found for men. Dietary factors were mostly not related with prevalence rates of bronchial hyperresponsiveness and atopic eczema neither in men nor in women

La representación sustantiva en América Latina: un estudio de la congruencia entre partido y simpatizantes en América Latina

[ES]El objetivo principal de esta tesis es describir y explicar las diferencias en los niveles de congruencia programática e ideológica entre los partidos políticos presentes en el parlamento y sus simpatizantes en los países de América Latina cuyas legislaturas hayan dado inicio entre 2008 y 2012. En este orden de ideas, esta investigación es un análisis comparativo de los niveles de representación sustantiva que muestran los partidos políticos y sus simpatizantes en América Latina. La finalidad del mismo es explicativa, puesto que tiene como propósito indagar en las causas que subyacen a las diferencias en los niveles de congruencia programática e ideológica de los partidos presentes en los parlamentos y sus simpatizantes. De lo anterior también se desprende el carácter sincrónico de la investigación ya que analiza a cada caso en un momento dado y no su evolución a lo largo de varias legislaturas. Los datos provienen del Proyecto de Élites Parlamentarias de América Latina (PELA) llevado adelante por la Universidad de Salamanca. Por otro lado, se utilizan los datos del Barómetro de las Américas realizado por la Universidad de Vanderbilt donde también se recogen opiniones y preferencias de los ciudadanos en los países de América Latina. Adicionalmente, este trabajo también se sirve de fuentes adicionales como datos electorales de cada país, disponibles en los respectivos organismos electorales, y datos provenientes de informes sobre la situación nacional de cada país como lo son PNUD y Banco Mundial, entre otros. Para el análisis de la información se utiliza el método estadístico, esto debido a que se utilizan datos cuantitativos en un número relativamente elevado de casos. En un primer momento, se utilizan una serie de técnicas estadísticas descriptivas para mostrar el comportamiento de la congruencia en las unidades de análisis. En un segundo momento se utilizan técnicas multivariables para establecer las relaciones de causalidad entre la variable dependiente (nivel de congruencia) y las variables independientes (partidistas y sistémicas) propuestas en el estudio. El resultado de la investigación indica que un grupo importante de partidos políticos en América Latina tienen capacidad de representar las preferencias ideológicas y programáticas de sus simpatizantes. Esto supone que, contrario a lo señalado por algunos críticos de estas organizaciones en la región, los partidos han logrado establecer vínculos programáticos con sus seguidores. Lo anterior no niega que puedan existir estrategias complementarias en la relación que establecen con el electorado, sino que aporta complejidad a la manera como se juzga el desempeño de los partidos en el continente. Para el caso de la congruencia ideológica, el nivel educativo es la variable con mayor capacidad explicativa, siendo aquellos partidos con seguidores más educados los que muestran mayor representación sustantiva de este tipo de preferencias. Así mismo, el nivel de desarrollo económico del país incide sobre la congruencia ideológica. En relación a la congruencia programática, se halló que las organizaciones ubicadas a la izquierda de la escala ideológica tienden a mostrar mayores niveles de congruencia programática que las localizadas a la derecha de la misma, por lo que en lo concerniente al papel del Estado en la economía los partidos de izquierda hay mayor representación de las preferencias de sus seguidores. En el plano metodológico, el concepto de congruencia, y las medidas propuestas por Golder y Stramski (2010) para su medición, probaron ser de utilidad para capturar la representación de las preferencias ideológicas y programáticas entre partidos y simpatizantes. Los resultados obtenidos a través de estos indicadores muestran que los mismos tienen capacidad de captar la idea de representación sustantiva, permitiendo distinguir entre los diferentes partidos analizados en esta investigación

Biosynthesis of Gold Nanoparticles (AuNPs) with Dimrit Raisin Extract and Their Degradation Activity for Water Contaminants

AuNPs are being conventionally synthesized by traditional methods (physical and/or chemical) with preferred and well-defined morphology, size and shape. On the other hand, it has been reported that these methods involve difficult reaction conditions and/or toxic chemicals. In this study, an easy, cost effective and more environmentally and biological-friendly method was described for the synthesis of gold nanoparticles with Dimrit raisin extract for the first time. The effects of some experimental parameters, such as concentrations of both raisin extracts and Au solutions, synthesis time and synthesis temperature were investigated for the synthesis of AuNPs. The synthesized AuNPs were extensively characterized by UV-Visible spectrometer, Transmission electron microscopy (TEM), X-ray diffraction patterns (XRD) and Fourier transform–infrared spectroscopy (FTIR). TEM results show spherical along with triangular and hexagonal shaped nanoparticles with an average size of 15 nm. Large amounts of toxic dyes are used in the different industrial area and dyes posed a threat for water sources. Therefore, it has become imperative to develop inexpensive and environmentally friendly methods to remove dyes from water. In recent years, degradation using green synthesized nanoparticles has become an efficient method to remove dyes from the water sources. In this study, the catalytic activity of the AuNPs for the degradation of both methylene blue (MB) and methyl orange (MO) dyes were also studied and AuNPs behaved as effective catalysts for both degradations of MB and MO dyes in terms of percentage removal and kinetics. The experiment results showed that AuNPs can be employed as strong candidate in wastewater treatment studies

Elecciones locales de 2021 en Venezuela: un chavismo perdedor en teoría pero ganador en la práctica

Más de 70.000 candidatos participaron en las elecciones locales en Venezuela en el año 2021 en un evento que representó la renovación de un total de 3.082 cargos en 23 gobernaciones, 335 alcaldías y sus respectivos cuerpos colegiados. Estos comicios se celebraron en un contexto de consolidación autoritaria en curso del gobierno de Nicolás Maduro, así como de las secuelas de la pandemia producida por la COVID-19. El partido de gobierno PSUV se impuso en estas elecciones, mientras que los partidos opositores tuvieron que lidiar con los dilemas de participar en elecciones no competitivas. ¿Qué resultados arrojó este evento electoral de 2021?, ¿qué partidos y bloques políticos predominaron? En este capítulo se abordan estas preguntas analizando el marco político-electoral, la situación socioeconómica de los años recientes y, sobre todo 2021, estudiando el proceso electoral, considerando la campaña, las diferentes coaliciones, la competitividad de los candidatos y alianzas, a partir de los resultados. El capítulo muestra que, si bien los números reflejaron un control del PSUV de las gobernaciones y las alcaldías, este grupo político sufrió un revés en lo relativo al voto popular. Por su parte, el bloque opositor no pudo traducir su potencial electoral en un mayor número de gobernaciones y alcaldías, como resultado de las prácticas autoritarias y de su atomización en diferentes coaliciones leales y no leales a la élite gobernante

La oscilante (in)capacidad de la oposición venezolana en la disputa por el poder subnacional (2008-2022)

Despite the heterogeneity in its composition and diverse political strategies —institutional and extra-institutional—, the partisan opposition in Venezuela has mobilized the population, both at the national and subnational levels, to dispute power against chavismo. The subnational arena has represented a key instance for this purpose. Opposition parties have employed strategies that, at times, have brought them closer to propitiating greater electoral defeats to chavismo at the subnational level, demonstrating a key potential in terms of votes, but which has not yet translated into a greater number of governorships in their favor. What explains the poor performance of the Venezuelan opposition at the subnational level despite its high potential? To answer this question, this article analyzes the competitors based on electoral data at the subnational level between 2008 and 2021. This analysis involves studying two dimensions of the party system: fragmentation and competition. It proposes the Opposition Electoral Competitiveness Index, which serves to observe the effect of (dis)coordination versus its potential at the subnational level. The data shows that opposition discoordination contributed to mitigating the loss of popular support for chavismo, as the latter won the majority of governorships.Pese a la heterogeneidad en su composición y en las diversas estrategias políticas —institucionales y extrainstitucionales—, la oposición partidista en Venezuela ha movilizado a la población, tanto a nivel nacional como subnacional, para disputar el poder al chavismo. El terreno subnacional ha representado una instancia clave para este propósito. Los partidos de oposición han empleado estrategias que, en ocasiones, los han acercado a propiciar mayores derrotas electorales al chavismo a nivel subnacional, demostrando un potencial clave en términos de votos, pero que aún no se ha traducido en un mayor número de gobernaciones a su favor. ¿Qué explica el pobre desempeño de la oposición venezolana a nivel subnacional pese a su alto potencial? Para responder esta pregunta, este artículo analiza las oposiciones a partir de los datos electorales a nivel subnacional de 2008 a 2021. Esto pasa por estudiar dos dimensiones del sistema de partidos: fragmentación y competencia. Para esto, proponemos el Índice de Competitividad Electoral Opositora, que sirve para observar el efecto de la (des)coordinación versus su potencial a nivel subnacional. Los datos evidencian que la descoordinación opositora coadyuvó a mitigar la pérdida de apoyo popular al chavismo, al hacerse este último de la mayoría de las gobernaciones

Human Papillomavirus Infection and Cervical Dysplasia in a Subset of Arab American Women

Background: With limited health data on Arab Americans (AAs), we sought to describe the health-seeking behaviors, prevalence of abnormal cervical cytology and high-risk human papillomavirus (HPV) serotypes, and the relationship with socioeconomic factors among a subset of AA women. Methods: Retrospective observational cohort study of women undergoing routine cancer screening at the Arab-American Center for Economic and Social Services clinic. Data collected included demographics, tobacco use, gross monthly income, prior Papanicolaou (Pap) smear history, and results of cervical cytology and high-risk HPV testing. Results: Of 430 women, 74 (17%) reported that they had never had a Pap smear. Three hundred eighty-eight (90%) women had cervical cytology interpreted as negative for intraepithelial lesion, the remaining 42 (10%) women had abnormal results. Thirteen (3%) women reported prior abnormal Pap smear, which was significantly associated with additional abnormal Pap smear on multivariable analyses (odds ratio 65.46; 95% confidence interval [CI] 17.01-338.62; p \u3c 0.001). One hundred twenty-five (29%) women were tested for high-risk HPV serotypes; 106 (91%) had negative results, 4 (3%) were positive for HPV-16, 7 (6%) were positive for other high-risk serotypes, and 8 results were not recorded. A negative HPV screen was significantly associated with a negative Pap smear (Fisher\u27s exact test p = 0.006). There was no significant association between abnormal cervical cytology and evaluated socioeconomic factors. Conclusions: Additional population based-studies to determine cervical dysplasia/cancer and HPV prevalence in women of Middle Eastern descent are needed

Fructose threshold for inducing organ damage in a rat model of nonalcoholic fatty liver disease

A fructose-enriched diet has been shown to be associated with an increase in fatty infiltration of liver, kidney, and pancreas. Our objective was to determine the concentration threshold at which a fructose-enriched diet induces damage in these organs. We hypothesized that a 20% fructose-enriched diet will induce steatosis or histopathological changes in the kidneys or pancreas. In this study, 40 Wistar male rats were randomly divided into 4 groups of 10, and each group was assigned a diet of equal quantity (15 g/rat) but of varying fructose amount. The first group (control group) was fed a standardized diet. The second and third groups were fed 10% and 20% fructose-enriched diets, respectively, whereas the fourth group was fed a high-fructose diet (30% fructose). At week 16, the 30% fructose group had the highest percentage of fat-enriched cells (10%) and a significant decrease in adiponectin as compared with week 1 (P <.05). Twenty percent of this group developed interstitial fibrosis, but none presented changes in the pancreatic islet structure or fibrosis. The 10% fructose group showed the absence of perisinusoidal and interstitial fibrosis, whereas these were present in the 20% fructose group, but neither group showed significant steatosis (5%) or pancreatic damage. The results suggest that a 20% fructose-enriched diet could be considered as the threshold for inducing kidney and liver damage in the rat. Nutritional interventions to reduce fructose to less than 20% of the total energy intake should be considered to prevent metabolic risks and organ damage. © 2018 Elsevier Inc