UNIFEM, CEDAW and the Human Rights-based Approach

Global governance in an era of human rights is beset by a number of unavoid- able paradoxes. One is that as more states are increasingly held accountable for fulfilling legal obligations towards citizens, the same states are also obliged to collude in economic and financial deregulation processes that undermine and challenge both state sovereignty and the state’s ability to protect the vulnerable among their own populations. In this wider context, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) obliges governments to promote, protect and fulfil the equal rights of men and women in their own jurisdictions. In what amounts to the promotion of global governance for gender justice, the United Na- tions Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) plays a leading role within the UN system in making sure gender policies are co-ordinated and main- streamed, and CEDAW is adhered to. Lee Waldorf is the lead editor of this report, as well as some other significant UNIFEM publications. This report will be referred to hereafter as UNIFEM-CEDAW (2007). It will be con- sidered in the context of the recently published UNIFEM Strategic Plan for 2008–2011 (UNIFEM-Plan, 2007)

Co-operation between government agencies and non-governmental organizations in the delivery of social services for women : a study on measures to enhance the contribution of non-governmental organizations to social development

The regional overview contained in this volume provides a summary of the range and diversity of social services for women extended by NGOs in co-operation with government agencies in the Asian and Pacific region. Also included are a number of general guidelines and recommendations on strengthening such co-operation, based on the findings of the various case studies undertaken by the project.United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM

Combating gender-based violence: a key to achieving the MDGS

This advocacy kit outlines the problem of gender-based violence, elaborates its linkages to poverty, reproductive health, HIV/AIDS and conflict, and discusses its impact on a nation's development. The goal is to mobilize leadership at the national, regional and global levels to make violence unacceptable

A Poverty of Rights: Six Ways to Fix the MDGs

The reactions of the human rights community to the MDGs have been diverse. The goals have given a clear, communicable and quantitative focus to development but they arguably distract attention from important issues and are structurally flawed. In looking backwards, we need to consider whether the human rights gaps in the MDGs architecture are partly responsible for the mixed success of the enterprise and whether the MDGs are also being used to avoid human rights commitments. This reflection is used to look forwards to 2015 and it is argued that, even if we accept the target?based approach, human rights can make six key contributions, namely: (1) increasing participation in target selection; (2) ensuring targets better reflect human rights; (3) aiming for equality not just average improvements; (4) adjusting the targets for resource availability; (5) locating economic trade?offs within a human rights?based normative framework; and (6) improving the accountability infrastructure

Episiotomy and obstetric outcomes among women living with type 3 female genital mutilation: a secondary analysis

BACKGROUND: To investigate the association between type of episiotomy and obstetric outcomes among 6,187 women with type 3 Female Genital Mutilation (FGM). METHODS: We conducted a secondary analysis of women presenting in labor to 28 obstetric centres in Burkina Faso, Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, Senegal and Sudan between November 2001 and March 2003. Data were analysed using cross tabulations and multivariable logistic regression to determine if type of episiotomy by FGM classification had a significant impact on key maternal outcomes. Our main outcome measures were anal sphincter tears, intrapartum blood loss requiring an intervention, and postpartum haemorrhage. RESULTS: Type of episiotomy performed varied significantly by FGM status. Among women without FGM, the most common type of episiotomy performed was posterior lateral (25.4 %). The prevalence of the most extensive type of episiotomy, anterior and posterior lateral episiotomy increased with type of FGM. Among women without FGM, 0.4 % had this type of episiotomy. This increased to 0.6 % for women with FGM Types 1, 2 or 4 and to 54.6 % of all women delivering vaginally with FGM Type 3. After adjustment, women with an anterior episiotomy, (AOR = 0.15 95 %; CI 0.06–0.40); posterior lateral episiotomy (AOR = 0.68 95 %; CI 0.50–0.94) or both anterior and posterior lateral episiotomies performed concurrently (AOR = 0.21 95 % CI 0.12–0.36) were all significantly less likely to have anal sphincter tears compared to women without episiotomies. Women with anterior episiotomy (AOR = 0.08; 95%CI 0.02–0.24), posterior lateral episiotomy (AOR = 0.17 95 %; CI 0.05–0.52) and the combination of the two (AOR = 0.04 95 % CI 0.01–0.11) were significantly less likely to have postpartum haemorrhage compared with women who had no episiotomy. CONCLUSIONS: Among women living with FGM Type 3, episiotomies were protective against anal sphincter tears and postpartum haemorrhage. Further clinical and research is needed to guide clinical practice of when episiotomies should be performed

Imagining new feminist futures:How feminist social movements contest the neoliberalization of feminism in an increasingly corporate‐dominated world

Increasingly it is argued that feminism has been co‐opted by neoliberal agendas: becoming more individualistic and losing touch with its wider social change objectives. The neoliberalization of feminism is driven in part by increased corporate power, including the growing role of corporations in governance arenas, and corporate social responsibility agendas. However, we turn to social movement theory to elucidate strategies that social movements, including feminist social movements, are adopting in such spaces. In so doing, we find that feminist activists are engaging with new political opportunities, mobilizing structures and strategic framing processes that emerge in the context of increasingly neoliberal and privatized governance systems. We suggest that despite the significant challenges to their agendas, far from being co‐opted by neoliberalism, feminist social movements remain robust, existing alongside and developing new strategies to contest the neoliberalization of feminism in a variety of innovative ways

Twenty Years after Beijing: Can Promises be Turned into Progress?

Twenty years since the landmark women's conference at Beijing, and as the post?2015 agenda is concluded, it is clear that there has been a significant increase in rhetoric from governments and even some notable achievements in the field of women's equality and rights. But a failure to tackle underlying causes – particularly the persistent unequal power relations between women and men – has thwarted real, sustainable progress. A report by the Gender and Development Network has identified four areas in need of far greater political focus and resources: working with marginalised women to build their own agency; supporting women's collective action; promoting positive social norms; and reassessing macroeconomic policies and the role of the care economy

The Economic and Financial Crises in CEE and CIS: Gender Perspectives and Policy Choices

This paper looks at the countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), where economies have been most dramatically hit by the global crisis and its impact is likely to be most long-lasting, especially among poor and vulnerable groups. Using poverty as the main axis, it looks at aspects of economic and social development in countries at similar poverty levels to identify the degree of fiscal space in each, as well as the different policy choices made. The paper argues that despite such economic fundamentals as increasing external debt, worsening current account imbalances, and demands for a balanced budget, governments have policy choices to make about how to protect different groups, especially the most vulnerable-including women

Sexual slavery without borders: trafficking for commercial sexual exploitation in India

Abstract Trafficking in women and children is a gross violation of human rights. However, this does not prevent an estimated 800 000 women and children to be trafficked each year across international borders. Eighty per cent of trafficked persons end in forced sex work. India has been identified as one of the Asian countries where trafficking for commercial sexual exploitation has reached alarming levels. While there is a considerable amount of internal trafficking from one state to another or within states, India has also emerged as a international supplier of trafficked women and children to the Gulf States and South East Asia, as well as a destination country for women and girls trafficked for commercial sexual exploitation from Nepal and Bangladesh. Trafficking for commercial sexual exploitation is a highly profitable and low risk business that preys on particularly vulnerable populations. This paper presents an overview of the trafficking of women and girls for sexual exploitation (CSE) in India; identifies the health impacts of CSE; and suggest strategies to respond to trafficking and related issues.</p