Aard en omvang van omgewings- en groenpolitiek in Suid-Afrika : met spesiale verwysing na die rol van belangegroepe in die Wes-Kaap

Environmental and green politics came into prominance during the last two decades. These two concepts, as well as environmentalism and ecologism are defined in this study and placed within the context of the political system. The emphasis is on green politics and ecologism. The global green movement is analysed according to policy, organisational structures and pattern of development. The South African environmental and green movements are described in the latter part of the study. It is shown that South Africa has a long history of environmentalism. The South African green movement is compared with the global green movement after which it is placed within the context of the South African political system. Green politics in South Africa seems to resemble the early stages of the development of the European movement and the concept of social justice is emphasised. Selected Western Cape groups are discussed according to information gathered by means of a questionnaire.M.A. (Political Science)Political Scienc

Efficacy of NVX-CoV2373 Covid-19 Vaccine against the B.1.351 Variant.

BACKGROUND: The emergence of severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) variants threatens progress toward control of the coronavirus disease 2019 (Covid-19) pandemic. In a phase 1-2 trial involving healthy adults, the NVX-CoV2373 nanoparticle vaccine had an acceptable safety profile and was associated with strong neutralizing-antibody and antigen-specific polyfunctional CD4+ T-cell responses. Evaluation of vaccine efficacy was needed in a setting of ongoing SARS-CoV-2 transmission. METHODS: In this phase 2a-b trial in South Africa, we randomly assigned human immunodeficiency virus (HIV)-negative adults between the ages of 18 and 84 years or medically stable HIV-positive participants between the ages of 18 and 64 years in a 1:1 ratio to receive two doses of either the NVX-CoV2373 vaccine (5 μg of recombinant spike protein with 50 μg of Matrix-M1 adjuvant) or placebo. The primary end points were safety and vaccine efficacy against laboratory-confirmed symptomatic Covid-19 at 7 days or more after the second dose among participants without previous SARS-CoV-2 infection. RESULTS: Of 6324 participants who underwent screening, 4387 received at least one injection of vaccine or placebo. Approximately 30% of the participants were seropositive for SARS-CoV-2 at baseline. Among 2684 baseline seronegative participants (94% HIV-negative and 6% HIV-positive), predominantly mild-to-moderate Covid-19 developed in 15 participants in the vaccine group and in 29 in the placebo group (vaccine efficacy, 49.4%; 95% confidence interval [CI], 6.1 to 72.8). Vaccine efficacy among HIV-negative participants was 60.1% (95% CI, 19.9 to 80.1). Of 41 sequenced isolates, 38 (92.7%) were the B.1.351 variant. Post hoc vaccine efficacy against B.1.351 was 51.0% (95% CI, -0.6 to 76.2) among the HIV-negative participants. Preliminary local and systemic reactogenicity events were more common in the vaccine group; serious adverse events were rare in both groups. CONCLUSIONS: The NVX-CoV2373 vaccine was efficacious in preventing Covid-19, with higher vaccine efficacy observed among HIV-negative participants. Most infections were caused by the B.1.351 variant. (Funded by Novavax and the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation; ClinicalTrials.gov number, NCT04533399.)

Populism and liberal democracy: three case studies

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2018.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study used an exploratory case study design to examine the wave of populism that occurred in 2016. During 2016, numerous notable populist events in Liberal Democracies occurred. These include Rodrigo Duterte becoming the president of the Philippines; the Brexit vote in Britain and Donald Trump winning the presidency in the U.S. This series of populist events sparked a concern that internal failings within the Liberal Democratic system were the cause of the populism. Understanding the underlying causes of these incidents is of utmost importance considering that Liberal Democracy is globally the current dominant political system. The primary goal of this study is to uncover how and why populism has occurred in these Liberal Democracies, and more specifically, whether it is due to internal failings with the Liberal Democratic system. This study adopted and revised two theoretical frameworks to help examine the two points of interest in this study: populism and Liberal Democracy. The populist framework was dubbed the Fifth Approach; took inspiration from various sources and identified several key aspects that characterise populists. This study also adopted the two-strand approach to Liberal Democracy by Canovan. However, the two sides, redemptive and pragmatic, were revised to fit the two aspects of Liberal Democracy uncovered by this study’s theoretical overview, and four indicators were chosen to measure them: The support that Liberal values have in society, the support for Representative Democracy, citizens’ support for direct democracy and satisfaction with the status quo. Examining the three chosen case studies - Brexit, Donald Trump’s win and Rodrigo Duterte’s winning the Philippines’ presidency - revealed several key points of interest. Firstly, it seems that in Western Liberal Democracies, populism garners most of its support from the older white and less educated demographic. Secondly, when populists come into power, there seems to be a tendency towards authoritarianism. Thirdly, and most important, the populism which occurred in 2016 does not seem to be due to internal failings within Liberal Democracy. Examining the indicators, the researcher concluded that the Philippines and Britain had no gap in their Liberal Democracies. Furthermore, all case studies had varying significant factors that influenced their respective populist events. Only the U.S. case study showed any potential link between populism and failings within its system and was the only case study that evidenced a gap between the two sides of its Liberal Democracy. However, with that case study, there were also other significant external factors that influenced the outcome of the presidential election.AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie het ’n verkennende gevallestudie ontwerp gebruik om die golf van populisme in 2016 te ondersoek. Gedurende 2016 het in Liberale Demokrasieë talle noemenswaardige populistiese gebeurtenisse plaasgevind. Dit sluit in Rodrigo Duterte wat die president van die Filippyne word, die Brexit stem in Brittanje en Donald Trump wat die presidentskap wen in die VSA. Die reeks van populistiese gebeurtenisse het kommer gewek dat interne mislukkings met die Liberale Demokratiese sisteem die oorsaak was van die populisme. Die kwessie oor of mislukkings in Liberale Demokrasie die oorsaak van populisme is, is van uiters belang aangesien Liberale Demokrasie huidig die globale dominante politieke stelsel is. Die hoof doel van die studie is om te ontbloot hoe en hoekom populisme in hierdie Liberale Demokrasieë plaasgevind het. Die studie het twee teoretiese raamwerke aangeneem en hersien om te help om die twee punte van belang, populisme en Liberale Demokrasie, te bestudeer. Die populistiese raamwerk was die Vyfde Benadering genoem en het van verskeie bronne inspirasie getrek en voorskryf verskeie sleutel aspekte wat populiste besit. Die studie het die twee string benadering na Liberale Demokrasie aangeneem en dit het meer spesifiek Canovan se twee kante van Liberale Demokrasie aangeneem. Verder, die twee kante, verlossing en pragmaties, was ‘n bietjie verander om te pas met die twee kante van Liberale Demokrasie wat die studie se teoretiese oorsig ontbloot het en vier aanwysers was gekies om hulle te meet: Die ondersteuning vir Liberale waardes in die samelewing, ondesteuning vir Verteenwoordigende Demokrasie, burgers se steun vir Direkte Demokrasie en tevredenheid met die status quo. Die ondersoek van die drie gevallestudies, Brexit, Donald Trump se oorwinning en Rodrigo Duterte wat die presidensie wen in die Filippyne, het verskeie sleutel punte van belang onthul. Eerstens dit lyk asof in Westerse Liberale Demokrasieë die meeste ondersteuning kan gevind word onder die ouer wit en minder opgevoede demografie. Tweedens dit lyk asof populiste ‘n neiging het na outoritarisme wanneer hulle in mag is. Derdens en mees belangrik dit lyk nie asof die populisme in 2016 asgevolg was van interne mislukke met Liberale Demokrasie nie. Met die vier aanwysers het die studie vasgestel dat die Filippyne en Brittanje geen gaping in hul Liberale Demokrasies gehad het nie. Verder, al die gevallestudies het verskillende betekenisvolle faktore gehad wat hul populistiese gebeure beïnvloed het. Net die VSA gevallestudie het enige potensiale verband tussen populisme en mislukkings met sy sisteem gewys en was die enigste gevallestudie wat ‘n gaping tussen die twee kante van sy Liberale Demokrasie gehad het. Egter, met daai gevallestudie was daar ook ander betekenisvolle eksterne faktore wat die presidensiële verkiesing beinvloed het

A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF EARLY AND LATE SASSANIAN COINAGE

Sassanian coinage is one the best sources for information on the individual kings from this Persian dynasty. This is because the coins are primary sources that are unaltered. The way in which the Sassanian coins changed is not a topic that has been dealt with extensively.1 A stylistic analysis and comparison of the coins from the different Sassanian ages will be done. In this study the coins from the Sassanian rulers of the early period (224–302 C.E.) and the late period (628–652 C.E.) will be analysed for stylistic characteristics that differentiated them from other Sassanian coins. Trends that were common to coins from each period will be identified as well so that the continuity and breaks in coin design from each period can be illustrated and compared. The factors behind some rulers following the standards set by predecessors and others reinventing it will be exposed by the study.</jats:p

Values and the environmental/green movement of South Africa

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The emergence and growth of the environmental/green movement has been linked to a value shift from materialism towards postmaterialism. In this study, the emergence of the South African environmental/green movement and its growth potential is investigated within the context of Ronald Inglehart's value change theory and its implications for developing societies. The positive link between postmaterialism and environmentalism is well researched and widely accepted. However, many researchers focusing on developing societies argue that a shift towards postmaterialism does not adequately explain the emergence of environmentalism, because environmentalism is taking root in developing societies despite postmaterialist values not being prioritised. This relationship is investigated by means of a literature study about the values, principles and issues addressed by the environmental/green movement. It is argued in this study that environmentalism can indeed be linked to postmaterialism, but that prematerialist values could also playa role, especially in developing societies. The South African environmental/green movement is discussed as an example of environmentalism in a developing society. The South African movement is often described as a white middle class movement. It is argued on the basis of a literature study that the movement has changed considerably and incorporates a wide range of interests ranging from more conservative forms of environmentalism to radical political forms of environmentalism such as environmental justice. This change is linked to the concepts of prematerialism and postmaterialism emphasising that both sets of goals seems to be prioritised by different discourses within the movement. Issues concerning both the welloff and the poor are addressed by the movement. This is followed by an analysis of the 1995 World Value survey data set to obtain a demographic and socio-economic profile of the active members of an environmental organisation and the environmentally concerned. The relationship between active membership of an environmental organisation, the environmentally concerned and the concepts of prematerialism, materialism and postmaterialism is also established. The positive relationship between postmaterialism and environmentalism is confirmed, but contradictory results have been found regarding the relationship between prematerialism and environmentalism. This can possibly be attributed to the inadequate survey material that is available. Although active membership of an environmental organisation correlates positively with prematerialism, no relationship could be found between environmental concern and prematerialism. Lastly, a demographic and socio-economic profile of the "don't know" response group has also been compiled as this group is an important target group for the expansion of the environmental/green movement.AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die totstandkoming en groei van die groen- of omgewingsbeweging word gekoppel aan 'n waardeverskuiwing van materialisme na postmaterialisme. Die totstandkoming van die Suid-Afrikaanse groen/omgewingsbeweging en die groeipotensiaal daarvan word ill hierdie studie ondersoek binne die raamwerk van Ronald Inglehart se waardeverskuiwingsteorie en die implikasies daarvan vir ontwikkelende lande. Die positiewe verband tussen postmaterialisme en omgewingsbewustheid is goed nagevors en geniet wye aanvaarding. Tog het verskeie navorsers, veral dié wat op ontwikkelende lande fokus, probleme daarmee. Hierdie navorsers argumenteer dat postmaterialisme nie die totstandkoming van die omgewingsbeweging in ontwikkelende lande voldoende verklaar nie, aangesien die beweging in hierdie lande posgevat het terwyl die prioritisering van postmaterialisme ontbreek. Hierdie verband word ondersoek d.m.v. 'n literatuurstudie oor die waardes, beginsels en vraagstukke wat deur die groen/omgewingsbeweging aangespreek word. Daar word in hierdie studie geargumenteer dat omgewingsbewustheid wel aan postmaterialisme gekoppel kan word, maar dat prematerialistiese waardes waarskynlik ook 'n rol kan speel, veral in ontwikkelende lande. Die Suid-Afrikaanse groen/omgewingsbeweging word beskryf as 'n voorbeeld van omgewingsbewustheid in 'n ontwikkelende land. Die Suid-Afrikaanse beweging word dikwels beskryf as 'n wit middelklasbeweging. Daar word op grond van 'n literatuurstudie geargumenteer dat die beweging aansienlik verander het sodat dit nou 'n breë verskeidendenheid van belange aanspreek wat wissel van die meer konserwatiewe vorme van omgewingsbewustheid tot die radikale politieke vorme soos byvoorbeeld omgewingsregverdigheid (Eng: environmental justice). Die verskuiwing word aan die konsepte van postmaterialisme en prematerialisme verbind. Dit word beklemtoon dat verskillende groeperings binne die groen/omgewingsbeweging verskillende waardes prioritiseer. Vraagstukke wat beide die welvarendes en die armes raak, word deur die beweging aangespreek. Die literatuurstudie word gevolg deur 'n analise van die 1995 World Value Survey datastel. 'n Demografiese en sosio-ekonomiese profiel van die aktiewe lede van 'n omgewingsorganisasie en respondente wat as omgewingsbewus geïdentifiseer is, is opgestel. Die verhouding tussen die konsepte van prematerialisme, materialisme en postmaterialisme en aktiewe lidmaatskap van 'n omgewingsorganisasie aan die een kant en omgewingsbewustheid aan ander kant word ook bespreek. Die positiewe verband tussen postmaterialisme en omgewingsbewustheid, sowel as aktiewe lidmaatskap word deur die data bevestig. 'n Positiewe verband is ook tussen aktiewe lidmaatskap van 'n omgewingsorganisasie en prematerialisme gevind, maar teenstrydige resulte is gevind rakende die verband tussen omgewingsbewustheid en prematerialisme. Hierdie resultate kan egter moontlik beïnvloed wees deur die onvoldoende meetinstrument wat beskikbaar is. Laastens is 'n demografiese en sosio-ekonomiese profiel van die "weet nie" responsgroep saamgestel, aangesien hierdie groep 'n belangrike teiken is indien die groen/omgewingsbeweging wil uitbrei

Revitalising the South African Museum Sector

The chapter discusses the South African museum sector in terms of changing museum functions as well as museum management. The research findings confirm the perception of a sector in crisis. Museum professional associations do not have the capacity to promote a professional museum service. Though there are museum professionals that keep up to date with museological trends and technology, a picture is painted of museums not supported by government departments, debilitating bureaucratic structures that hamper creativity and responsiveness to public demands, institutional performance structures that direct museums away from museum functions, problematic recruitment practices, and problematic models assessing the value of museums. Research is based on literature study, a review of the South African Museums Association Bulletin (SAMAB), a peer-reviewed journal dealing with museum matters, an analysis of policy recommendations of museum professional associations and interviews with the museum association leadership. </jats:p

Sassanian succession struggles : an analysis of the legitimisation practices of early seventh eentury Sassanian rulers in comparison with their predecessors

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: From 628 CE to 632 CE, in the late Sassanian period, there were possibly eleven royal successors to the Sassanian throne. This indicates instability and that the Sassanian dynasty was politically weakened. A succession crisis had developed. This study presents an attempt to understand one aspect of the political milieu of the succession crisis period, namely the legitimisation practices of the late Sassanian rulers. Therefore, the tools that were used for legitimisation by the Sassanian monarchs from the succession crisis period, and how they were used, are investigated. To better understand how the legitimisation tools available to Sassanian monarchs developed the political techniques used by the succession crisis monarchs will be compared with the early Sassanian monarchs of 224 CE to 302 CE (Ardashir 1, Shapur I, Hormizd I, Wahram I, Wahram II, Wahram III and Narseh). The comparison contributes to an improved understanding of the 7th century Sassanian succession struggles by tracking the changes in the techniques and practices Sassanian rulers utilised in the Empire to legitimise their rule. Such changes are rooted in the wider politico-historical contexts within which the Sassanian monarchs excercised their authority. The study will open with an investigation of the major political events of the 7th century CE that had an effect on the succession struggles and political events in the Sassanian Empire. One of the primary sources that are used is The History of Prophets and Kings by the 10th century CE Arabic historian Jarir al-Tabari. Physical evidence of the Sassanian monarchs like coinage, rock reliefs and silver bowls will also be used as primary sources and analysed to better understand the propaganda used by the Sassanian monarchs. The material propaganda techniques used by Sassanian monarchs from the early period and late period changed. The reasons behind the changes are highlighted and these reasons are furthermore explained. The study concludes that the Sassanian monarchs from the succession crisis period had a shrinking pool of legitimisation resources and that they had to legitimise their rule in a short period of time in view of internal opposition. As a result, the Sassanian monarchs from the period focused on legitimisation techniques that were not a drain on resources and could quickly influence the perception of people. The political legitimisation of the last Sassanian monarchs ultimately failed though as the Sassanian dynasty only continued to reign for another 23 years after 628 CE. The failure of the legitimisation of the Sassanian dynasty could be largely attributed to the internal opposition and the damaging war against the Byzantine Empire.AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die tydperk tussen 628 tot 632 n.C was daar na bewering elf troonopvolgers in die Sassaniede Ryk. Dit illustreer die politieke onstabiliteit in die Sassaniede Ryk op daardie tydstip, n troonopvolgingskrisis het ontwikkel. In die studie word n poging van stapel gestuur om een aspek van die politieke milieu van die tydperk te verstaan, die legitimasiepraktyke van die laat Sassaniede heersers. Die hulpbronne tot die beskikking van die Sassaniede konings wat ingespan is om hulle regerings populariteit te gee word daarom ondersoek. Om die ontwikkeling van die legitimeringspraktyke beter te verstaan word die praktyke van die troonopvolgingskrisis konings vergelyk met die tegnieke van die vroeë Sassaniede konings van die tydperk 224 n.C. tot 302 n.C. (Ardashir I, Shapur I, Hormizd I, Wahram I, Wahram II, Wahram III and Narseh). Die vergelyking dien as n beginpunt om die Sassanied troonopvolgingskrisis beter te verstaan en om die veranderings van die legitimeringspraktyke te identifiseer. Sulke veranderings is gegrond in die wyer politieshistoriese konteks waarin die Sassanied konings hul mag uitgeoefen het. Die studie ondersoek eerstens die belangrike politieke gebeure van die 7de eeu n.C. wat n effek op die troonopvolgingskrisis en politieke aspekte van die Sassaniede Ryk gehad het. Een van die primêre bronne waarvan die studie gebruik maak, is The History of Prophets and Kings van die 10de eeuse n.C. Arabiese geskiedkundige Jarir al-Tabari. Ander primêre bronne wat gebruik word, sluit in muntstukke, rotsreliëfs en silwer bakke wat analiseer word om beter te verstaan hoe die produkte gebruik is as propaganda. Die legitimeringspraktyke en propaganda het n verandering ondergaan van die vroeë typerk tot die laat tydperk. Die redes vir die verandering word identifiseer en ‘n verduideliking vir die redes word aangebied. Die studie maak die gevolgtrekking dat die Sassaniede konings van die troonopvolgingskrisis tydperk minder hulpbronne tot hul beskikking gehad het en dat hulle hul blitsig moes regverdig vanweë interne teenkanting. As gevolg van hierdie faktore het die Sassaniede konings propaganda verkies wat nie te veel van hul hulpbronne gebruik het nie en ook mense baie vininig beïnvloed het. Die politieke programme van die laat Sassaniede het uiteindelik misluk. Die Sassanidiese dinastie het net vir nog 23 jaar na 628 n.C. geheers. Die uiteindelike mislukking van die politieke regverdigings programme van die laat Sassaniede kan grootliks verbind word aan die sterk interne teenstand en die effek wat die oorlog teen die Bisantynse Ryk gehad het

Teologiese perspektiewe op Christelike ontwikkeling

Verhandeling (B. Th.) -- Universiteit van Stellenbosch, 1993.Full text to be digitised and attached to bibliographic record