THE STATUS OF WOMEN AND WIFE-BEATING IN THE U S: A MULTI-LEVEL ANALYSIS

The relationship between status of women and wife-beating has been the subject of some debate. It has been argued that sexual inequality is one of the central causes of wife abuse (Dobash and Dobash, 1980; Martin, 1976). On the other hand, some claim that the charges being brought about by the Women\u27s Movement are resulting in an increase in wife-beating. Researchers in the field of family violence have speculated on the connection between the two phenomena (Whitehurst, 1974; Straus, 1976; Dobash and Dobash, 1977). To date, the relationship between the status of women on the societal level and wife-beating has not been investigated empirically. This study, which addresses this issue, is composed of three major parts. The first is a systems theoretical analysis of the status of women based on a meta-power model and historical and cross-cultural evidence. This analysis provides a foundation for the general understanding of sexual stratification and women\u27s current status. The second part of the study deals specifically with the concept of the status of women, the development of an index of women\u27s status, and the ranking of U.S. states according to that index. The status of women is defined as the position of women as a group relative to the position of men as a group in the different spheres of society (Hommes, 1978). The Status of Women Index is based on data from the U.S. Census Bureau, statistical almanacs, and national surveys. It is composed of economic, educational, political, and legal items, such as the ratio of male to female income for full-time workers. The index allows for a comparison of American states on individual items, the four dimensions just mentioned, and on the overall index. Two important functions are served by the Status of Women Index. First, it is a valuable social indicator and can be used to describe and monitor the changing status of women in the U.S. Second, it provides an empirical measure for a concept of theoretical importance for feminist social science research. The third part of the study builds upon the theoretical examination of the status of women elaborated in the first part, and utilizes the empirical measurement of that status, which was the focus of the second part. Specifically, the impact of the status of women in American states on the levels of wife-beating in those states is taken into consideration. The additional data for this portion of the research come from the Violence in American Families Survey, in which a nationally representative sample of 2143 husbands and wives were interviewed regarding their family life in general and domestic violence in particular. The major finding of the research is that there is evidence of a curvilinear relationship between the status of women and violence against wives. Wives are most likely to be physically assaulted by their husbands in those states where the status of women is lowest. Violence then decreases as women\u27s status increases--to a point. In those states where the status of women is highest, the level of violence against wives is also quite high. It was suggested that the high level of violence in low status states might be due to the need to use greater amounts of physical force to keep women in their place . In addition, the more limited options to violent marriages in these states may serve to keep battered women in their marriages. The high level of violence in high status states, in contrast, is likely to be the result of other factors. Where the general status of women is high, husbands may feel threatened by the rapid social change and the break-down of traditional husband-wife roles. Increased domestic conflict and violence may be a short-term consequence of women\u27s move toward equality

Teaching Domestic Violence in the New Millennium: Intersectionality as a Framework for Social Change

This article describes an intersectional approach to teaching about domestic violence (DV), which aims to empower students as critical thinkers and agents of change by merging theory, service learning, self-reflection, and activism. Three intersectional strategies and techniques for teaching about DV are discussed: promoting difference-consciousness, complicating gender-only power frameworks, and organizing for change. The author argues that to empower future generations to end violence, educators should put intersectionality into action through their use of scholarship, teaching methods, and pedagogical authority. Finally, the benefits and challenges of intersectional pedagogy for social justice education are considered

Neighborhoods, Alcohol Outlets and Intimate Partner Violence: Addressing Research Gaps in Explanatory Mechanisms

Indices of heavy drinking have consistently been linked with increased risk for intimate partner violence (IPV) among couples in the general household population. Because IPV is a ‘private’ event, most IPV research has focused on individual-level risk factors, but current social ecological theory suggests that alcohol outlets can act with neighborhood conditions to increase risks for IPV. This paper reviews the theoretical and empirical literatures relevant to identifying specific social mechanisms linking IPV to alcohol use in community settings, and discusses three social mechanisms relevant to these effects: greater numbers of alcohol outlets within a neighborhood may (1) be a sign of loosened normative constraints against violence; (2) promote problem alcohol use among at-risk couples, and; (3) provide environments where groups of persons at risk for IPV may form and mutually reinforce IPV-related attitudes, norms, and problem behaviors. Understanding these mechanisms is of critical public health importance for developing environmental strategies aimed at prevention of IPV, such as changes in zoning, community action and education, and policing

Are men and women equally violent to intimate partners?

Violence against women is a significant public health issue. One form of violence against women, intimate partner abuse or domestic violence, is prevalent in Australia. In this article, we summarise the main theoretical and methodological debates informing prevalence research in this area. We explain why studies finding equivalent victimisation and perpetration rates between the sexes are conceptually and methodologically flawed and why coercion and control are fundamental to the definition and measurement of partner abuse. We conclude that while male victims of partner abuse certainly exist, male victims of other forms of male violence are more prevalent. A focus on gendered risk of violence in public health policy should target male-to-male public violence and male-to-female intimate partner abuse

Substance abuse and intimate partner violence: treatment considerations

Given the increased use of marital- and family-based treatments as part of treatment for alcoholism and other drug disorders, providers are increasingly faced with the challenge of addressing intimate partner violence among their patients and their intimate partners. Yet, effective options for clinicians who confront this issue are extremely limited. While the typical response of providers is to refer these cases to some form of batterers' treatment, three fundamental concerns make this strategy problematic: (1) most of the agencies that provide batterers' treatment only accept individuals who are legally mandated to complete their programs; (2) among programs that do accept nonmandated patients, most substance-abusing patients do not accept such referrals or drop out early in the treatment process; and (3) available evidence suggests these programs may not be effective in reducing intimate partner violence. Given these very significant concerns with the current referral approach, coupled with the high incidence of IPV among individuals entering substance abuse treatment, providers need to develop strategies for addressing IPV that can be incorporated and integrated into their base intervention packages

Sexual Equality and Violence Against Wives in American States

The relationship between increasing sexual equality and the level of violence against wives has been the subject of some debate. A negative relationship has been posited by those who point out that as economic, educational, and legal opportunities and rights for women improve, fewer women remain trapped in violent marriages. Others have suggested that violence may increase as these social changes create additional strain and frustration for males attempting to retain their dominant position. This controversy is the focus of the present study. Using American states as the unit of analysis, the relationship between the societal status of women (in economic, educational, political, and legal spheres) and the rate of wife-beating is empirically examined. A status of Women Index is developed on the basis of U.S. Census and other data. State violence rates are based on data from a representative sample of 2143 American adults. The central finding of the study is that there appears to be a curvilinear relationship between women’s status and wife-beating. In states whre women’s status is lowest, wives are most likely to be assaulted by their husbands. Violence deceases as sexual equality increases—to a point. In those states where the status of women is highest, the level of violence against wives is also quite high. It is suggested that limited options to violent marriage may keep battered wives in abusive relationships in low-status states. In states where women’s status is relatively high, increased conflict and violence may be the consequence of rapid social changes which may be threatening to husbands. The study focuses on short-run consequences of increasing sexual equality. It does not address the impact of institutionalized sexual equality because even the highest status states are far from fully egalitarian. </jats:p

Tijuandiego: Agua, capitalismo y urbanización en las Californias, 1848-1982

Ph.D.This is a history of Tijuandiego—the transnational metropolis set at the intersection of the United States, Mexico, and the Pacific World. Separately, Tijuana and San Diego constitute distinct but important urban centers in their respective nation-states. Taken as a whole, Tijuandiego represents the southwestern hinge of North America. It is the continental crossroads of cultures, economies, and environments—all in a single, physical location. In other words, Tijuandiego represents a new urban frontier; a space where the abstractions of the nation-state are manifested—and tested—on the ground. In this dissertation, I adopt a transnational approach to Tijuandiego’s water history, not simply to tell “both sides” of the story, but to demonstrate that neither side can be understood in the absence of the other.I argue that the drawing of the international boundary in 1848 established an imbalanced political ecology that favored San Diego and the United States over Tijuana and Mexico. The land and water resources wrested by the United States gave it tremendous geographical and ecological advantages over its reeling southern neighbor, advantages which would be used to strengthen U.S. economic and political power on the continent. California got the richest lands and ample water resources; Baja California got little of each. With greater access to water and capital, San Diego thrived as a U.S. military-industrial hub on the Pacific, consistently able to meet local water demands and plan ahead for the future. Tijuana, on the other hand, found itself constantly trying to stay afloat. It had less water, less capital, and was much more isolated from the national processes playing out in Mexico. The city’s development was thus inextricably intertwined with San Diego’s—it was much more attuned to the rhythms of southern California than to central Mexico. In some respects, Tijuana emerged as a transborder urban appendage—a place where both U.S. and Mexican capitalists sought to take advantage of the unique economic opportunities provided by the presence of the political boundary